Life On East Madison — Giving Ground

Sunday, December 13, 1992 – Seattle Times

Why
do some neighborhoods rise, others fall? How do they get to be the way
they are? What role does race play? This story examines those questions
thorough the history of a single Seattle neighborhood. Through public
records, academic research, family scrapbooks, survey responses and
interviews, it traces the social and economic forces shaping the
neighborhood, its people and their times.

By Terry McDermott

In
the summer at night on the street where the Pitter girls played, boys
would stroll up the road singing. The girls would harmonize on “In the
Evening” and “Down by the Old Mill Steam.” They all danced to “My Gal
Sal.”

“Great
elms reached up to the universe . . . Twenty-fourth Avenue was a
skating rink from Madison to Olive. Our telephone pole was home base.”

This,
Connie Pitter Thomas said, was her Seattle neighborhood, the East
Madison district southeast of 23rd Avenue and Madison Street, during
what is ordinarily thought of as the worst period of the century – the
Great Depression.

Then
came World War II and the economic boom that accompanied it. The war
has been followed by an astonishing period of growth. The result has
been the transformation of a sleepy backwater port into a city in the
middle of the future.

The neighborhood has been transformed, too. For one thing, most of the trees are gone.

“It’s
been a lot of change here, a lot of change,” said Mary Lou Nurse. “When
I moved in this house, people were so nice. There was no crime.”

The biggest concern, Nurse said, were cars roaring down Pine Street.

“All
of the front of the house was wood. People used to come flying over
that hill and run into the porch and knock it off. Nobody’s hit it since
we put concrete in.

“We
slept out on the porch,” Nurse recalled. “I wouldn’t do that now. I
wouldn’t even go out there to sit. Somebody might come by and shoot
you.”

How
is it that 60 years of nearly unrelenting progress changed the East
Madison neighborhood Connie Thomas once thought of as a cocoon – a place
one could wrap up in like a great warm blanket and feel that all the
world was here and it was yours – into a neighborhood where if boys walk
the streets now they’re apt to be followed by police, where “My Gal
Sal” might be punctuated some nights by gunfire, where residents feel
compelled to march at night in a campaign to take back their streets?

How did that become this? What happened here? What disaster occurred?

Roger
Sale of the University of Washington wrote in his history of Seattle,
“The worst things that happen to cities happen slowly.”

The
slide of neighborhoods like East Madison occurs very slowly, indeed.
There is no explosion, no high drama; only erosion, the steady, quiet
action of the ground giving way beneath one’s feet.

FROM SEA TO SHINING SEA

Madison is the only street in the city of Seattle that runs directly from Elliott Bay to Lake Washington.

It’s
not long – less than four miles from sea to shining sea – but in its
course Madison runs across layers of time and social terrain so varied
they seem not to belong on the same planet, much less the same plat map.

There
are neighborhoods full of city life as it is sometimes dreamed –
boutiques, bakeries, friendly markets, knowledgeable wine merchants –
but also blocks as bad as the city has to offer, places where neighbors
are merely the people who live next door and where every door has an
iron grate.

Starting
at the Colman Ferry Dock, Madison heads out to the northeast,
immediately passing two federal office buildings – evidence of the heavy
role government has served in the creation of contemporary Seattle;
through the middle of the downtown financial district, past the slim
elegance of First Interstate Center and the blockier presence of the the
city’s first modern skyscraper, the old Seafirst Building – which, like
almost all of those that followed it, is owned by someone somewhere
else. In this case, it’s Chicago; it could as easily be Frankfurt or
Tokyo.

The
street continues past the library and the federal courthouse; over the
ever-clogged Interstate 5; up to the top of First Hill, passing the
University Club, one of few survivors of a 19th century neighborhood of
mansions, the first of what turned out to be many places to which the
rich would retreat from the city below.

Atop
the hill, the mansions have largely been replaced by hospitals and
clinics that have renamed the place Pill Hill, physical evidence of the
city’s burgeoning medical industries.

Going
downgrade past Broadway and Seattle University, a fixture on the street
since 1894, Madison becomes what geographers sometimes call a zone of
discard, a neighborhood of repair shops, storage depots, apartment
houses, secondhand stores, things that might once have been downtown but
have been pushed out by higher rents, discarded.

The
street then heads up what used to be known as Second Hill, bending
slightly to the north at the top, passing Mount Zion Baptist and then
the Madison Temple Church of Christ. (The Rev. L.J. Thompson, pastor of
another church in the same neighborhood – there are five within three
blocks – points out that churches are like gas stations used to be: They
congregate, apparently without competing.)

As
the downgrade steepens near 23rd Avenue East, the street runs past a
deserted union hall, an architects’ office, a storefront church,
run-down houses, low-rent offices, upscale condominiums and a hoagie
shop. The oddball grouping reflects the ongoing gentrification of the
Madison Valley, which is defying gravity, history and common sense and
is moving uphill, not down.

The
bottom of the valley has been almost completely redone in the past
decade and now includes boutiques, chocolate shops, an AIDS hospice,
upscale consignment shops and trendy restaurants.

The
boutiqueing continues past the arboretum as the street heads up its
last hill, rising and widening into neighborhoods that have never had
need of gentrification: Broadmoor, one of the city’s first exclusive
residential communities on the north, and Washington Park on the south.

Over
the hill, Madison enters the quaint, part-beach-club, part-village
atmosphere of Madison Park and finally gets to its original destination –
Lake Washington, Madison’s watery reason for being.

The
westernmost portions of the street were included in the original 1853
plat of the city. It was stretched to its full length as a stage line
connecting the downtown waterfront and McGilvra’s Landing, a ferry stop
on the lake.

The
road was overlaid in 1890 with the Madison Street Cable Railway, one of
more than a dozen intracity lines. Most of these lines were privately
owned, and Madison belonged to the same people who owned the park near
the road’s eastern end. More important, they also owned the potential
real-estate subdivisions that adjoined the park.

“Real
estate, rather than transportation as such, seems to have been the real
motivation behind many a project,” wrote Leslie Blanchard in her
history of Seattle railways.

The
Madison railway’s main use was as a road, not a street. It existed to
connect two points, not to serve those in between, and in the beginning
the cable cars carried far more freight than they did people.

In between the city and the park was little of anything.

“It
was mostly through the woods, and the passengers felt almost as though
they were making a train journey to another town,” Oscar DeFreon, a
cable-car gripman, told The Seattle Times in 1940, when the cable system
was being dismantled.

It was in this middle ground that William Grose settled, sowing the seeds of a ghetto.

William Grose was rich. He was also black.

SETTLING MADISON

Grose
was described in his obituary as “a Negro of vast proportions” and “one
of the most extensive taxpayers in the third ward.”

He
had somehow accumulated wealth at his downtown hotel charging $5 a week
for room and board, $4 for just the room if you decided you couldn’t
afford the food. From the evidence of Grose himself, this would have
been a mistake. He was a good cook, or at least a generous one. He was
6-feet-4, weighed close to 400 pounds and had to be taken into church
through a window for his funeral.

Grose
had been an adventurer. He was in China with Commodore Perry, in the
California goldfields with the ’49ers, in the Arctic and South America.
He came to Seattle after befriending territorial Gov. Isaac Stevens
aboard ship.

He
began a restaurant downtown, later a saloon and a hotel. When his
businesses, along with his house, burned in the fire of 1889, Grose
moved with his family to land he had bought out in the country – the
ranch, they called it – and had used as a sort of suburban retreat.

The
12 acres were between what are now Olive and East Madison streets at
about 24th Avenue. His daughter, Lizzie, later described the area in a
letter:

“There
was nothing but roads and trails through fallen trees, stumps and
underbrush. No street lights. When we went to church at night we carried
our lanterns . . . The old homestead was not on any street but stood in
the orchard at this time.”

In
addition to building his own house, Grose subdivided the rest of his 12
acres, giving lots to family and friends, selling others.

Calvin
Schmid, a professor emeritus at the UW and author of seminal
sociological studies on the city, wrote that Grose’s move was a key
event in the history of the African-American community.

“When
Mr. Gross (sic) settled on the hill with his family,” Schmid wrote,
“other Negroes moved into the area. There was much opposition to this
migration on the part of the white residents of the Madison area.
Finally they decided to sell, but not to rent to the newcomers. Most of
the incoming Negroes moved to the top of the hill, but a few bought and
settled in the hollow to the east.”

Schmid’s
original version of this text referred to the “migration” as an
invasion. It couldn’t have been much of one. There were fewer than 500
African Americans in the entire state at the time.

The
hollow to which Schmid referred is now called Madison Valley. It was
then called Coon Hollow; it isn’t entirely clear whether this was a name
derived from native wildlife – raccoons, which were plentiful – or
pejoratively from what many white residents clearly thought a new sort
of wildlife – black people.

Whichever,
the hollow was not the preferred area for living. It was once described
by a local resident as “a swamp and a mudhole,” and that pretty well
captured it.

R.D. McKenzie, writing in 1928, described the relationship of the city’s topography to its people:

“It
is obvious, then, that the settler type of population, the married
couples with children, withdraw from the center of the city while the
more mobile and less responsible adults herd together in the hotel and
apartment regions near the heart of the community. . . . The
neighborhoods in which the settler type of population resides, with
their preponderance of women and children, serve as the custodians of
the stabilizing and repressive mores.

“It
is in the Seattle neighborhoods, especially those on the hill-tops,
that the conservative, law-abiding, civic-minded population elements
dwell. The downtown section and the valleys, which are usually
industrial sites, are populated by a class of people who are not only
more mobile but whose mores and attitudes, as tested by voting habits,
are more vagrant and radical.”

The
judgmental aspects of McKenzie’s tone aside, he points out what had
become a continuing characteristic of the city – the relationship
between class and altitude. As you rose in one, you rose in the other.

Grose
and his relatives, friends and heirs, befitting people of stature,
built and lived high on the western ridge above the hollow, south of
Madison.

SORTING MADISON

The
stratification of the population began haphazardly, accomplished, like
Grose’s decision to live at what he had been his ranch, by chance and
economic ability. In the earlier decades of the city, rich and poor,
red, white, black and yellow people lived next to one another. Then the
better-off began to build more distant residential neighborhoods.

First
hill was the initial example of this. It would in time be followed by
The Highlands, Capitol Hill, Broadmoor, Washington Park and, in later
years, by endless variations in the suburbs.

Once
it started, the sorting out soon took on racial and ethnic criteria,
some of which continue to define large sections of the city today.

In
1909, a realtor sued Horace Cayton, a black newspaper editor, asking
that Cayton be “removed” from living on Capitol Hill. Cayton won the
suit but lost the war.

The
realtors’ desire to restrict the movement of non-whites, and often
non-Christians, was formalized in the decade after the lawsuit with the
creation of restrictive covenants, clauses that were written into
property deeds forbidding the sale of property to certain people –
typically blacks, Asians and Jews.

Even many areas that weren’t covenanted sought to restrict ethnic encroachment.

1909,
the year the salesman tried to evict Cayton, was also the year of the
Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, Seattle’s first world’s fair. The fair
brought thousands of people to Seattle, among them a 14-year-old
Jamaican, Edward Pitter, who arrived as a captain’s cabin boy aboard a
Dutch steamer.

Pitter
liked what he saw in Seattle. He found work as a printer and stayed. He
later met and married Marjorie Allen, the granddaughter of a prominent
theologian. They worked, prospered, became prominent themselves and
eventually had three daughters, one of whom is Connie Pitter Thomas.

East
Madison at that time was covenanted north of Madison Street to Capitol
Hill. South of Madison was open but not, as the Pitters discovered,
entirely.

In
the ’20s, they rented a house east of the valley, on 34th Avenue East,
directly across Madison from Broadmoor in Washington Park, a new
neighborhood that was quickly making known its exclusivity.

One
day not long after the Pitters arrived, Marjorie Pitter answered a
knock at the door. Connie Thomas, then a young girl, recalls:

“A lady said, `I’d like to speak to the lady of the house.’

“My mother said, `I’m the lady of the house.’

“The woman screamed, `Oh, my God! Oh, my God! She did it. She did it.

” `She rented the house to niggers.’ “

There
later unraveled a tale of the Pitters’ landlady somehow being omitted
from that year’s Social Register. She had vowed to retaliate for the
omission.

The Pitters were her vengeance.

They
didn’t stay long. Connie Thomas recalls her mother, a mere 20-year-old
at the time, having to buy – and threaten to use on hostile neighbors – a
pistol to protect the family.

They
eventually moved across the valley to the neighborhood Big Bill Grose
had started. The neighborhood had been growing with the city. Seattle’s
population had tripled in the first decade of the 20th century, riding
the tail of the Alaska Gold Rush, and quadrupled by 1920.

The
East Madison district had been logged off and houses were going up in
bunches. In the six blocks surrounding the Grose homestead, 13
residences were built before 1900. In the next decade, 58 were built; in
the decade after that, 19 more; and in the Roaring ’20s, 20 more.

By
1930, the neighborhood’s housing was pretty much what it is today. In
the next 60 years, fewer than a dozen new homes would be added.

Almost
all of the homes were single-family houses. Most had two or three
bedrooms. The Pitters had rented in several locations before Marjorie
Pitter went out for a walk one day.

“She
came to 24th and Pine,” Connie Thomas said. “There were huge trees
there then, elms that went clear up to the wires. And there was the
house she had dreamed of. She knocked on the door. Dining room, music
room, pantry kitchen. Servants’ quarters downstairs. They bought the
house.”

“We used to say, `For a woman with no money, she could do more things,’ ” said Marjorie Pitter King, Connie Thomas’ sister.

“When
we moved into our house, the neighbors did sign a petition to keep us
out. Now isn’t that interesting, only a block from Mr. Grose. But it
didn’t mean anything and we just ignored it. There were no restrictive
covenants.”

The
neighborhood was still largely white. More blacks lived there than
anywhere else in the city, but their numbers were so small in total that
they were not predominant anywhere.

In
addition to the East Madison neighborhood, blacks also lived in
significant numbers on lower Jackson Street near the waterfront and on
East Cherry Street, around 14th Avenue.

Most
of the business leaders of the black community owned homes in the
Madison neighborhood. People there referred to the others as living
“cross-town.” This was not a compliment, according to Schmid:

“During
the early years of the depression the Madison Street Community could be
characterized as conservative, middle-class, bourgeois and anxious to
preserve non-militant relations with the white group.”

Descriptions of life in East Madison during the Depression have an idyllic quality.

Edward Pitter later described the almost fairy-tale nature of social life to Quintard Taylor, an Oregon historian:

“We
had dances all over town . . . We had fully dressed dances. I mean
fully dressed. Tails . . . I used to wear a silk hat and tails and I had
a cape you throw back and a monocle. I had a monocle.”

The
neighborhood had nightclubs like the Tarbox, the Mardi Gras and The
Black and Tan Club, a jazz venue owned by the wonderfully named
impresario Russell “Noodles” Smith.

There
was a tennis club where the East Madison YMCA is now, a Japanese
market, an African-American bakery, a meat market, a hotel, a druggist, a
six-fingered tailor and a pool hall.

People watched the Seattle Royal Giants play baseball or the Ubangi Blackhawks play football.

Pitter’s
three daughters had a steady diet of church socials, movies at the Gala
or Home theaters (with a real organist), blackberry cobbler at Mrs.
Smith’s Home Cooking Restaurant.

“There
was an ice-cream-cone bakery across the street,” Marjorie Pitter King
recalled. “The baker would give us the broken cones. I sometimes thought
he broke a few just so he’d have something to give us.”

The girls matched their father’s attire.

“I
was so shocked when I went to high school and found out the white girls
didn’t have formals and gloves,” Marjorie King said. “On Sunday, you
set your table with your best linen, your best silverware.

“We
used to leave the house unlocked and we would come home and find young
people waiting for us inside. There was such a warmth. There was a
feeling within the community of knowing each other.”

Obviously,
recollections can be glazed by time. Everything wasn’t wonderful. As
the Depression ground on, more and more people had a harder and harder
time. Fewer and fewer people had work.

Edward
Pitter took half a dozen jobs in a decade (although, extraordinarily,
he and his wife managed to send all three of their daughters to the
University of Washington).

The
beginnings of war in the Pacific halted transoceanic trade by 1937.
This had a particularly sharp impact on East Madison, because many of
the black men in the neighborhood worked as cooks and stewards aboard
ship. The effects began to show.

The
neighborhood quit growing. Only two new buildings were built during the
entire decade. The county’s real-estate appraisers began to note
deterioration of existing houses.

Fifty-five of the neighborhood’s 120 houses changed ownership.

A
1936 letter from Aurora Russell to the county clerk regarding her
family’s property on 24th Avenue straightforwardly stated an economic
dilemma faced by many:

“My
husband and I are the owners, but owing to the high rate of taxes,
assessments, etc., we gave up paying on it. It is vacant, and I want to
know what is the least price it will sell for cash, and also on terms.
If it is within reason, we may be able to handle it.”

In
1930, four of every 10 black families in the city owned their own
homes. In 1940, three in every 10 did. A fourth lost their homes during
the Depression, a rate of loss about twice that throughout the city.

And
the worst was yet to come. Despite the physical hardship of the ’30s,
the people of East Madison had felt a sense of possibility. Those
possibilities broadened with the war as, out of necessity, new,
higher-paying jobs opened to African Americans. But the war also
foreshadowed the end of other possibilities. The neighborhood had grown
with the city. During the war, its future began to shrink.

The idyll had ended.

WAR ARRIVES

Mary Lou Nurse’s 25th Avenue living room is crowded.

Paper
dogs, cats and a Student Painter brochure hang from a pole lamp. The
“Last Supper” is done, in felt, on one wall. The Old Testament is done,
in earnest, on the radio.

Great,
high stacks of books are everywhere. Medical texts are prominent. Nurse
reads herself to sleep at night with them. She’s an old woman. She
doesn’t fear the diseases. She’s simply curious as to what maladies
might come next.

Nurse is, like Bill Clinton, a native of Arkansas, although any native affinity with him is slight.

“I don’t put too much confidence in lip talk,” she says. “I wait to see action.”

Her
home-state loyalty is diminished not by the dimming memory of her
childhood but by the strength of it: men tied to the back bumpers of
cars and dragged up and down the Negro quarters until dead; another man
hanged; a grandmother kept as a white master’s mistress, accounting for
Nurse’s chocolate skin.

“I went through some terrible things,” she says, “but I’ll tell you what: I wouldn’t trade my journey for nothing.

“It taught me how to live.”

There
was no black high school in Nurse’s hometown. She left for Hot Springs
for school and left the state entirely as soon as she could thereafter,
first for Tennessee, where she worked at a dry cleaners, later up north
to Chicago.

After
her first husband, an Army aviator, was killed at Iwo Jima, she took
the government up on its offer to move her west for war work. Headed
initially for Hawaii, she received a change of orders when she got to
Portland. She thus arrived in the spring of 1945 at age 28 at the
Bremerton shipyards for the last months of the war.

She just wanted to forget, she says.

“I didn’t know what I was signing up for. I just wanted to see the West.”

At
Bremerton, she found there was “more prejudice than there was in
Arkansas. That kinda knocked me back because I thought I was going where
that didn’t happen.

“People said, `What color are you?’

” `What do you mean? What color am I?’ They were asking because of my light skin. I finally said I was purple.

“There
were certain things you couldn’t do in Seattle, restaurants you
couldn’t go into, hotels you couldn’t go into, places you couldn’t live.
But they didn’t drag you up and down the street until you were dead.”

So
she stayed. She traded Bremerton for Seattle after the war, went to
work at Boeing and moved to East Madison, where she remains still.

Nurse’s
life story is repeated time and again among black Seattleites of a
certain age. They came with the war and stayed when it was gone.

ARSENALS OF DEMOCRACY

“Industrially
the impact of the war on the state was almost beyond calculation,”
wrote Edgar Stewart, a historian at what was then called Eastern
Washington College of Education.

War
industries led by Boeing and the shipyards expanded at dizzying rates.
In 1935, Boeing built a single prototype for the B-17 bomber. The
company employed 839 people. Eight years later, at its peak, the company
made 250 airplanes a month and employed 78,400 people.

The number of shipyard workers in the metro area grew from 8,000 to 92,000.

In
1939, the total value of all goods manufactured in Seattle was $70
million. Between then and 1946, Seattle firms secured defense contracts
worth $5.6 billion.

The first great rush of workers drawn into the war plants came largely from the rural Northwest. They were overwhelmingly white.

The
second wave came largely from elsewhere in the country, many from the
rural South, mainly Arkansas, Oklahoma, Texas and Louisiana. Many were
black.

Quintard Taylor, in a soon-to-be published history of Seattle’s African-American community, writes:

“Severe
overcrowding, endemic to all of wartime Seattle, was particularly acute
in the black community and accelerated the physical deterioration in
the Central District, by now the city’s oldest residential area.

“By
1945, over 10,000 blacks occupied virtually the same buildings that had
housed 3,700 Seattle Afro-Americans five years earlier . . . Because
restrictive covenants confined African Americans to specific residential
areas, newcomers soon found themselves doubling or even tripling up in
houses that were already among the oldest in the city.”

“Mother
had people staying in the attic,” Marjorie King remembers. “She had
peopled doubled up in bedrooms, anyplace she could put them.”

The
same was true throughout East Madison. Houses were divided, boarders
taken in. “People was living in theaters,” said the Rev. M.L. Whitman,
who arrived in Seattle from Texas in 1945. “There was no place to live.
People was buying a 25-cent ticket to a theater and staying all night.”

Most
of the migrants were poor – that is why they migrated, Taylor says –
and poorly educated. They ate with their hands, signed their names with
X’s.

They
were, one resident said, “rude and crude and loud . . . a different
kind of black person . . . (and) that person became a threat, to the
black community as well as to the white community.”

Tensions rose.

Mayor William Devin said the situation was “fraught with a great deal of dynamite.”

It
never exploded. The neighborhoods, instead, caved in on themselves.
They simply did not have the resources to serve their populations.

“Until
World War II,” said Connie Thomas, “you never could find one block, I
mean just one straight block, from one corner to the other in which
every single home had a black in it.”

In fact, before the war, blacks were still a minority in Thomas’ neighborhood.

That
changed. In the six blocks surrounding the old William Grose homestead,
the population in 1940 was 35 percent black. By 1950, it was 66
percent; by 1960, 82 percent; by 1970, 93 percent.

It
wasn’t apparent at the time, but the combination of the population
explosion, housing covenants outside the area and overcrowding within it
was deadly.

Seattle,
which had been characterized by what Taylor calls a “benign racial
environment,” was creating something else. A slum was being born and the
neighborhood, slowly, was getting ready to die.

PEACE, MONEY AND MORTGAGES

Seattle barely paused after the war.

Stalin
replaced Hitler. The Cold War replaced the hot one. The
industrialization that the war engendered continued apace. Almost
swallowed in significance once the war began, the opening in 1940 of the
first floating bridge across Lake Washington became in the postwar era
one of the great shaping events of the metropolitan region.

Where the bridge went, people followed. The great migration of the postwar era was under way, from the city to the suburbs.

In
1940, Bellevue was mostly blueberry fields. In 1960, it still had
mainly gravel roads and not very many people. Today, it has skyscrapers
and is the state’s fourth-largest city.

Movement
to the region continued, but the people who came settled in the
suburbs, not the city. Many of those who could escape the city joined
the exodus.

Blacks
were largely unable to join this initial flight to the suburbs. In
1948, the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed restrictive covenants, but later
the same year, the Seattle Real Estate Board expelled a member for
selling a house in a white neighborhood to a black family.

The
migration to the suburbs and the building boom that accompanied it were
attracting huge supplies of human and economic capital at what was a
crucial point in the history of old, inner-city neighborhoods like East
Madison.

The
city housing was reaching the end of its useful life, an end that was
quickened with the stress of overcrowding during the war and which was
inevitable without reinvigoration.

David
Hodge, a geographer at the University of Washington, says two things
have to happen to kill an inner-city neighborhood: the property must be
aging, and relatively inexpensive housing must be available on the
city’s periphery.

“That’s
what our country’s housing policy is built on – a focus on building
middle- and upper-middle-class housing and the older housing stock
filtering down,” Hodge said.

This was precisely the case in East Madison.

Lenders
quit lending. Mortgage money poured out to the suburbs rather than in
to the city. As the housing stock declined, those who could leave left,
further depressing the general economic ability of the area they were
leaving.

“You
end up with a classic ghetto, deteriorating housing, low economic
levels,” Hodge said. “It’s not the sheer numbers (of people). It’s a
combination of economic class, disinvestment and conversion to rental
housing.

“Some important, significant boundaries develop. It becomes larger than life.”

The
boundaries largely have to do with lenders who on one hand are simply
exercising what they see as prudent business judgments. If you only have
so much money to lend, why risk it?

They didn’t.

As
surely as the Berlin Wall separated the East from West on one Cold War
battlefield, another wall went up around what was becoming another
battlefield in East Madison.

The
wall might as well have been built of concrete and barbed wire. Some
tunneled under it. Others climbed over. But most were simply trapped
inside. All of them – those who butted head-on against it and those
ignorant of its existence – were caged.

Money, never plentiful, dried up.

“You
can keep the slums from coming if the banks cooperate. It’s as simple
as that,” said Gerald Frank, a developer who worked in the neighborhood.
“But bank loans were impossible. I did everything – picket the banks,
scream at them. Nothing worked. “

“The
banks wouldn’t lend you a dime,” said Charlie Russell, who lived on
24th Avenue. “Your property could be free and clear. Didn’t matter.
Wouldn’t give you a dime. In 1950, I asked for a loan to fix up the
property. They said, `Sorry, we just don’t loan any money in that area.’

“You couldn’t get a dime.”

Most
years, not a single bank loan would be made in the neighborhood. In
some years, more money was spent to tear down dilapidated housing than
was spent repairing any.

People
who wanted to buy houses either had to pay cash, persuade the seller to
carry a contract, or go through a private mortgage company, some of
which would lend in the area, but only at higher rates.

As property values increased generally throughout the city, cash purchases became rarer. The cumulative effect was devastating.

By
1958, one area resident complained in a letter to the City Council that
a “relentless slum” was developing in the neighborhood.

The city’s urban-renewal director, Talbot Wegg, replied, saying he concurred, “but there are no means to improve it.”

Residents
had difficulty getting the slightest city services performed. One wrote
to the City Council complaining she had been trying unsuccessfully to
get traffic engineers to fill a pothole on 23rd Avenue for three years.

“I
realize this block is not kept up by all, but we have civic pride and
try to keep our yard in good condition,” she wrote. “We keep our taxes
up, have remodeled our homes and are Christians.”

The
city’s inattention to the problems of the neighborhood would prove to
be a governmental as well as financial mistake of staggering proportion.
The sums of money spent – much of it futilely – in later years to try
to fix the problems then being created would be enormous.

An ordinance that would have opened housing throughout the city to all races was put to a popular vote in 1964. It lost 2-to-1.

Taylor, the historian, wrote:

“The enemy in Seattle was indifference in the white population born of its perception that `there was no problem’ in the city.

“Residential
patterns were, in part, the result of economic conditions. The black
neighborhoods were the oldest and usually the cheapest sections of the
cities, often the only places impoverished African Americans could
afford. But much of the residential segregation was also directly
attributable to white hostility prompted by the fear of falling
real-estate values – a fear which often became a self-fulfilling
prophecy.”

“You could see it turn,” said Connie Thomas. “Little by little, it got blacker and blacker. Blacks had no place to go.”

Thomas
suffered the double indignity of watching her neighborhood decay while
also being deprived of the right to teach in the Seattle schools. After
her parents had labored to put her through the university during the
Depression, Thomas had to fight for 11 years to get a job with the local
schools.

Eventually,
federal, state and local open-housing legislation was passed, and,
still later, enforced. This was liberating for those trying to escape,
but like almost everything else that happened, just more bad news for
those left behind.

The
East Madison district was being cooked down to the only people who
would take the heat – the truly stubborn and the truly poor.

It
would take two decades to play out, but East Madison’s fate had
effectively been decided by the war, the overcrowding that came with it,
the financial famine that followed and the residential segregation that
overlaid the entire period.

A LONG, SLOW, CERTAIN DEATH

In
East Madison, much of the next two decades passed under a microscope.
Studies of the neighborhood’s plight done in the 1960s and 1970s fill
entire shelves in the city’s archives.

Population
began falling. Census Tract 77, which includes East Madison, lost half
of its white population and a tenth of its black population in the ’60s.

The
city in 1970 estimated that 40 percent of the housing stock in the
neighborhood was either dilapidated or had major deficiencies. One of
every five houses was vacant.

One
city study observed that “deterioration is encouraged by the inability
of homeowners to obtain the financial assistance necessary to
rehabilitate and maintain their properties . . . Financial institutions
have simply lost confidence in more than a few neighborhoods and are no
longer willing to make loans to property owners in such areas.”

Another
study warned that “a tight, institutionalized ghetto with unbreakable
patterns of poverty, inadequate education and limited opportunities for
employment, housing, and an amenable environment is in the making.”

One
man complained in a letter to the city that, “By your inaction you have
ruined a fine neighborhood. Rehabilitate these or see them burn.

“Families
are being forced out who do not want to leave. But they live in a
wasteland. And the citizens care enough to do whatever they must.”

Programs
sometimes followed the studies, but often without visible effect, and
almost always without the amount of money they were designed to need.
They didn’t fail so much as they never arrived.

The
federal Model Cities program was the broadest-based and
farthest-reaching attempt, but it received only 10 percent of the money
anticipated for it, had not much to do with housing and in any event
ended in 1974 after just five years.

The
most ambitious effort directed specifically at housing grew out of the
Mann-Minor Neighborhood Improvement Plan. Its main goal was to make
home-improvement loans to low-income residents within a portion of the
Central Area that included East Madison.

Planning
for the program started in 1968. Federal money was finally authorized
in 1972. But just a week before it was to be made available, Nixon
administration officials notified local administrators the funding had
been cut. Eventually, the program proceeded, but its promises far
outpaced its performance. It was, in fact, a disaster. Loans were made
and contracts signed, but little work was done; at least, little work
was done well.

Houses
were torn apart and not put back together. Contractors disappeared. So
did money. The program director eventually was accused of
misappropriating project money and went to jail.

The
rehabilitation program continued under a different name. But to date,
only one loan has been made in the six blocks around the old Grose
residence. And some complaints about faulty workmanship and overbilling
are still unanswered after 20 years.

Private
capital, the lifeblood of healthy neighborhoods, remained a rumor.
Studies of lending practices indicate loans were made in the area at
less than a tenth the rate they were made in other parts of the city.

Through all the programs and all the years, the area resisted improvement.

By
1980, the neighborhoods around East Madison had the highest percentage
of low-income people in the city, the highest percentage of people
living in poverty, of low-birth-weight babies and of housing needing
repair.

By 1990, fewer people lived in the East Madison area than at any time since the Depression.

As soon as people could get out, they did.

“It
was very sad. These people I knew all my life were leaving,” Marjorie
King said. “Some came and apologized. Some cried. We were very sad to
see them go.”

The
sociologist William Julius Wilson has described the process of decline
in central cities as one heightened by an increasing degree of social
isolation.

As
the black middle and working classes left, they took with them the
stability that “reinforced and perpetuated mainstream patterns of norms
and behavior.

“The
social transformation of the inner city has resulted in a
disproportionate concentration of the most disadvantaged segments of the
urban black population, creating a social milieu significantly
different from the environment that existed in these communities decades
ago.”

The most obvious recent manifestations of this milieu have been gangs and crack cocaine.

The
original William Grose residence, on what is now 24th Avenue, still
stands and is still a house. It might, under other circumstances, have
become an historic monument. It became, instead, a crack house.

Arthur
and the Rev. M. L. Whitman, who lived next door, bought the Grose
house, not knowing its historical significance, just to take it away
from the drug dealers.

If
you think of it, as Arthur Whitman does, in military terms, the
destruction of East Madison was not a great pitched battle. It was a
siege, a long, slow strangling.

When the financial lifeline of the community was cut, it was only a matter of time until it collapsed.

A CITY ON THE HILL

There is a shining city on the hill. You can see it from here.

The
next ridge over from East Madison is a residential neighborhood called
Washington Park. It’s the neighborhood the Pitter family was chased out
of in the ’20s.

Washington
Park was built at about the same time as East Madison. The lots were
about the same size and the houses were a little bigger.

Much
of the neighborhood faced west, so it didn’t have the views of the
Cascades that East Madison had, but views weren’t as important in
turn-of-the-century Seattle as they are now.

The neighborhood prospered.

In
a perverse way, people who would say that the biggest difference
between East Madison and Washington Park was the skin color of the
people who lived there are right. The defining difference between the
two neighborhoods was that Big Bill Grose had settled in one rather than
the other.

As
time wore on, the two neighborhoods, which are less than a half-mile
apart, grew more and more distinct. Washington Park got better and
better. The houses got bigger and bigger. In East Madison, they got
smaller and smaller.

Even the trees in Washington Park are taller.

The
biggest disputes in that neighborhood have been over things like what
the assessment for putting utility wires underground ought to be, or who
should pay to have the alley paved, or should the city allow a
cable-television antenna to be mounted to a utility pole.

The
neighborhood has prospered as higher and higher premiums have been
placed on in-city neighborhoods. There are, after all, only so many of
them.

In
East Madison, lots have been subdivided to make room for more, smaller
buildings. In Washington Park, lots have been joined. Old houses have
been torn down. New, bigger ones have gone up.

The
county assessor has set the value of one house in the neighborhood at
more than a million dollars. A couple of years ago, you could have
purchased all of East Madison for a million dollars.

But things are changing there now, also. Against almost all expectations, and almost without notice, things are getting better.

Valeena
Banks, the Whitmans’ daughter, lives in suburban Spanaway. For years,
she feared for her parents’ physical well-being. She tried to persuade
them to move. They wouldn’t do it. They stayed, and stayed with a
purpose.

“These
neighborhoods, we have to work like a battlefield strategy, piece by
piece, until we conquer the whole area,” Arthur Whitman says.

As
property values have risen throughout the city, even neighborhoods like
East Madison have become to some degree desirable. Land values have
quadrupled in a decade. The banks have noticed. Spurred by protest but,
more to the point, by profit, they have begun to lend in the area again.
The underlying value of the land makes loans almost risk-free.

Money
and mood ride in tandem. The increases in value have made it possible
to rebuild. More improvements – remodels, new siding, new roofs, new
rooms – have been made to houses in the neighborhood in the past decade
than were made in the previous five, according to property records.

There are new people, too.

Carolyn
Walden was sitting at her kitchen table one night two years ago, not
long after she had taken the big gamble and bought the house on 24th
Avenue. At the time, Seattle police regarded the neighborhood as one of
the toughest.

Walden
knew the area’s reputation and didn’t doubt it. But she had been living
in Kent for several years and working in Seattle, and the commute was
eating her time and her nerves in big bites.

She
was determined she’d move into the city, where she could be closer to
work, to the art museum, where she was a volunteer, and to the other
things she liked.

This was the only area she could afford, she says now. The area frightened her. She was white and it was heavily black.

But
she was determined – or perhaps desperate; several new homeowners in
the neighborhood say they bought out of fear they would be left out of
the great house-buying boom of the late ’80s. As Walden searched for
houses, she talked to everyone she ran into and eventually most of her
fear dissipated. They were just people who wanted the same things she
wanted, people who cared for both their homes and their families.

They hated what went on in their neighborhood just as she did.

A
late-model sedan had pulled up behind the station wagon parked across
the street, in front of the old Pitter house. The load of people in the
car, Walden thought, were “pretty rough looking.” They were strangers to
the neighborhood.

The
renters who lived in one of the apartments the old house had been
chopped into came out. They talked for quite a while with the folks in
the car and pretty soon what looked like money was changing hands.

My
God, Walden thought, I’m witnessing a drug deal. Across the street from
my new house. What have I done moving here?, she thought.

Eventually, a man climbed out of the sedan and got into the station wagon. He started it up, waved and drove off.

Walden had watched not a drug drop, but a used-car sale.

“I
was afraid to move here, but I talked to everyone (around here) and
eventually I lost my fear,” she said. “I have had no problem at all. I
had more problems in Kent. Here they live in the front yards. In Kent,
they sat in the back yards and you never saw them.”

Problems,
of course, seldom disappear. They move. In this case, increased police
attention has helped chase them. The new boundary for real problem
neighborhoods has moved south of Union in one direction, west of 23rd
Avenue in the other.

The Larsen family recently moved from 21st to 23rd.

“It’s a war zone over there,” Chris Larsen said.

The
old East Madison district is gentrifying. In some blocks now, the
percentage of owner-occupied housing is reaching levels unmatched since
before the Depression. Black and white middle-class families are moving
in, but mostly the latter. The white population has doubled in the past
decade. Property values have quadrupled. Some longtime residents say
these two facts are not unrelated.

There are complaints about taxes going up with land values. Some residents are resentful. Some are happy. Others are leaving.

The only constant is change.

THE DREAM DWINDLES

Society
and the market are spontaneous order – results of human action, but not
of human design,” wrote Friedrich Hayek, a theorist whose work provided
the philosophic underpinnings of the conservative revival in the 1980s.

There
is more than a seed of Darwinian thought within Hayek and those who
followed him. In American political life of the past 15 years, it often
translated into a sort of fatalism, a giant shrug of government
shoulders.

How
do neighborhoods go bad? Well, the economic geography of a city just
sort of happens, doesn’t it, the result of happy, or unhappy, nearly
organic accidents. Places are what they are: sums of circumstances that
somehow bloom, or wither, in the dirt they are planted in.

The history of Madison Street mocks such notions of social organization.

The
neighborhoods are so distinct, the reasons behind the patterns they
form are so evident and stark, they seem to have been the result of some
harsh plan.

How
we lie upon the land, and how we came to do so, might be partly
accidental, but it is at least as much the result of willful action.

The
near-destruction of the East Madison neighborhood did not just happen.
It was caused. And it was caused mainly by the fact that the people who
lived there had black skin. Because their skin was black, they could not
get money. Because they could not get money, their neighborhood fell
apart.

East
Madison began as a suburb. It prospered. Walls went up around it. It
declined. It nearly died when its most prosperous residents fled to
newer suburbs. Now a new generation of suburbanites is coming back,
renewing it, reviving it.

What
is most important about this cycle of change is not the change itself,
but the fact that the people of East Madison, the people who stayed,
have never had it within their control to affect the change.

The
best any of them can say is that they’ve ridden it out. A good bit of
their lives has been taken from them in the process. Some parts can
never be restored.

Even when they didn’t lose, they won by retreating, by expecting and getting less.

Mary
Lou Nurse, for instance, lost her ability to sleep on the sleeping
porch. Arthur Whitman lost the ability to know his neighbors. Connie
Thomas lost 11 years. Some families lost entire generations to the
streets. The Ebenezer A.M.E. Zion Church, which has been on 23rd Avenue
since 1930, has no members – none – between the ages of 16 and 35.
“We’ve lost all them in between,” said the Rev. L.J. Thompson.

People
lost the ability to walk to the store without fear. Eventually, they
lost the ability to walk to the store, period. They lost the stores.

Their world got smaller. Their lives shrank.

One
day this summer, Marjorie King was showing off her newly remodeled
kitchen. She was particularly proud of one cabinet that had a rollout
shelf.

“The piece de resistance,” she called it.

I
didn’t think much of it at the time, but another day, seeing her in her
basement accounting office, hooked to the air tubes she needs to
breathe these days, stacks of paper growing all about her, some of them
rising almost from floor to ceiling, towering above her desk,
diminishing her, I saw she was shrinking relative to the stacks of
papers around her, relative to the time she has left and relative to the
life she might have led. I felt an overbearing sadness for her and her
cabinet.

I
used to think you could escape history. If you ran fast enough, worked
hard enough, flew high enough, I thought you could _ like a rocket _
tear loose of gravity and fly free to wherever you wanted to go.

That is the American Dream, isn’t it?

Reality is something less. We are not beyond our history. We live with it. Some of us swim in it. Some of us sink.

You find yourself tied to circumstances; your skin, for example. The dream dwindles.

“My life,” Connie Thomas said on another day, “isn’t what I thought it would be.

“I’m not living the way I intended to live.

“I didn’t do well.”

I didn’t know what to say.

—————————————–

HIGH RISE

A five-part series on the design, financing and building of a skyscraper

DIGGING THE HOLE — LATEST SKYSCRAPER RISES FROM ONE MAN’S DREAM, ANOTHER’S FINANCIAL PIT

THE SEATTLE TIMES, COPYRIGHT 1989

By TERRY MCDERMOTT

Before
there was a Martin Selig, there was Henry Griffin. Griffin was – is,
actually; he hasn’t died, only gone belly up – a Havana-educated
architect with very little money and very big dreams.

He and an associate, Clint Hergert, in 1971 formed a company they called, with characteristic hubris, CHG International.

CHG
for the first six years of its existence was an active if
undistinguished developer of apartments and houses in the Puget Sound
area.

Then, beginning in the
mid-1970s, armed with Griffin’s imagination and – courtesy of a friendly
lender – other people’s money, they turned downtown Seattle into their
personal Monopoly board. In their first couple of trips around the board
they bought everything they landed on.

In
1976, CHG owned nothing in downtown Seattle. A decade later, the
company again owned nothing in downtown Seattle. In between, the
partners purchased portions of two dozen blocks, more than 40 parcels of
land. They bought property at such a frenzied pace and often at such
inflated prices that it seemed they had either taken control of a bank
or leave of their senses, or perhaps both.

Griffin
had a vision of downtown Seattle as a crucial spoke on the speeding
wheel of the Pacific Rim. The city center, he thought, would become home
to an expanding service economy fed by automation and trade.

The foremost element of his vision was an ability to see where tall buildings would be built.

He
was right about the buildings. He was wrong about who would build them.
By the time Griffin disappeared under a pile of debt, a frenzied
competition to build the high-rises he envisioned was under way. If
anything, Griffin underestimated the growth that would occur.

Among
the properties CHG acquired were all or parts of the sites on which
today stand First Interstate Center, Washington Mutual Tower, the convention center, Key Tower and two buildings now under construction – the Pacific First Center and the AT & T Gateway Tower. In total, the company controlled real estate it claimed would be worth $1.4 billion when developed.

So
quickly was it realized that Griffin’s vision seems almost passe today.
But in 1977, when Griffin began acting to fulfill it, he was shocked to
find he had little or no competition.

“There was practically no one in the market,” he says.

This
wasn’t so surprising to anyone else, who might well have wondered what
market Griffin was talking about. Seattle was moribund. It was a
relatively small, essentially one-industry city stuck off in the upper
left-hand corner of the country. The downtown had been dormant for what
seemed like forever.

Downtown
Seattle is not a large place. The land from the Space Needle to the
Kingdome measures about 1,000 acres, hardly enough to make a living on
if you were growing wheat in the Palouse country of Eastern Washington.
But for decades the even-smaller downtown office core was more than
enough to suit the needs of local commerce.

Local
financial institutions, the largest users of downtown office space
then, served local markets and, except for a small amount of business in
Alaska, little else. Local professionals were similarly constricted by
geography and even more by the relatively thin demand for legal, accounting and other professional services.

Out-of-town
companies had typically tiny presences in Seattle. The average nonlocal
downtown office tenant was a representative of an East Coast company.
With himself and maybe a secretary, this sort of tenant didn’t demand
much space.

As a result of the
stagnant local economy, there was little demand from within. As a result
of the minuscule outside presence, there was little demand from
without.

Between 1930 and 1960,
no buildings were built downtown. A brief flurry in 1960 brought the
Logan, Norton and Washington buildings into existence. After 30 years of
nothing, this had quite an unsettling effect.

“There
were 500,000 feet (of office space) coming on the market. The same
questions were being asked then as now,” said Dave Cortelyou, president
of Unico Properties, a development company that manages the 10-acre
Metropolitan Tract belonging to the University of Washington in the
center of downtown.

It took
three years for the city to catch up. Nothing was built until the glut
was absorbed. In 1963, the United Airlines Building went up, followed
the next year by the IBM Building.

Once again, this was more than the city could handle.

Five
years passed before another building was built. This one, however, was a
harbinger. The Seattle First National Bank Building on Fourth Avenue
was an indication that the city might finally be moving beyond its
narrowly based natural-resource and manufacturing economy.

The
steel-and-glass box is 50 stories tall and was the first office
building in town to take up a full block. So unaccustomed was the city
to such dimension that local construction companies failed to take into
account the amount of time they would spend just transporting workers and equipment up the building as it was built.

Contractors lost hours each day as crews stood at the bottom waiting for the single construction elevator to take them to work.

“A lot of people learned on that building,” a local lender says.

Except
for its size, however, the Seafirst Building did not alter the way
development proceeded. As Cortelyou’s boss, Don Covey, likes to say,
Seattle was “orderly.” When new buildings did go up, they did so one
at a time. A builder might spend years quietly assembling a parcel, then
wait longer for the right time to build.

Orderliness
is not a quality the true real-estat e entrepreneur values. “Covey was
a Marine, you know,” one developer says, not intending it as a
compliment.

Orderliness
certainly was not something Henry Griffin prized, although he came to
see it as an ally. Let everyone else be orderly and wait his turn.
Griffin would bet the bank.

Developers
such as Griffin, one veteran financier says, are optimists by nature.
Where others see problems, they see only opportunity.

“If
you’re an optimist,” this financier says, “you see vivid imagery; you
see opportunities everywhere you go. As soon as they get a few dollars
in their pocket, these opportunities leap out at them. For every block,
there’s a developer that’s got in the back of his mind: `I’ve got to get
that block.’ ”

Griffin’s imagination was more vivid than most, even by the inflated measure of his vocation.

His
dreams did not concern any particular block, but all of them. He set
about buying property in a way that confounded other speculators and
delighted property owners. When Griffin plunged into the market, many of
the owners were descendants of the original families that had settled
the city. Griffin was more than happy to relieve them of their
inheritances.

Few prices were
too high. Griffin didn’t believe in negotiating price, only terms. He
didn’t care what the ultimate cost of a property would be; he cared
about cash flow. Would you take a little more money stretched over a
longer period of time? Would you take nothing down and twice the amount?

By 1980, CHG had become the largest landowner in the central business district.

One
of the effects of CHG’s aggressive speculation was to anger other
speculators, especially those who didn’t necessarily share Griffin’s
fondness for heavy indebtedness, according to James Mason, a former city
planner who went to work at CHG.

“I
remember Jon Runstad saying to me one time, `You guys are screwing up
the whole market,’ ” Mason says. “But we had the last laugh. Runstad
had to negotiate with us to buy the northwest corner of the block where
he was going to build First Interstate.”

Actually,
of course, Runstad has had the last laugh. He’s still in business and,
by all accounts, prospering, as a partner in the giant Wright Runstad
development company. CHG went bankrupt, and its role in the collapse of Westside Federal Savings and Loan is the subject of a federal investigation.

“Looking back on it, it had to be almost pure speculation,” says Mason of CHG’s incredible spree.

Having
bet the bank and lost, Griffin doesn’t concede a mistake, at least not
on his part. He blames his bankers, which makes a certain amount of
sense. It was their money, after all.

“You have to have the staying power,” Griffin says. “And our banks were not able to keep up.”

He
is reluctant to talk about that era now, except to say that it didn’t
take great wisdom to see downtown real estate was undervalued. Growth
was occurring throughout the nation. Its descent on Seattle was only a
matter of time. What was remarkable, he said, was that he had the city
virtually to himself.

Another
developer says there are two sorts of risk in real-estate development:
the risk that a market will fall and the risk that interest rates will
rise. Everything else is simple arithmetic.

Griffin was absolutely correct in his evaluation of the Seattle market. It surged. Unfortunately for him, so did interest rates.

If
it hadn’t been for Paul Volcker, chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank
who led it through a series of interest-rate increases in the early
1980s, Henry Griffin could well be one of Seattle’s richest men today.

He is not. But Griffin’s vision for downtown Seattle has provedcorrect in nearly every detail.

FIRST STEP, FIRST RISK

“If
Henry had had more than his nerve keeping that stuff together, he’d
have done very well,” says Herman Sarkowsky, a Seattle investor who was
one of the victims – or perhaps beneficiaries; he isn’t quite sure – of
Griffin’s rise and fall.

Sarkowsky
had employed Griffin as an architect at United Homes Corp., Sarkowsky’s
housing development and construction company, in the 1960s. They
remained friends after Sarkowsky sold the company and Griffin started
his own. Sarkowsky, in fact, invested in CHG.

But
he was not enamored of CHG’s business practices, and by late 1979, when
Griffin was looking for more money and Sarkowsky was looking for a way
to get his investment out, they agreed to a swap. In exchange for his
CHG stock and cash – a $920,000 package – CHG sold Sarkowsky the land at
Sixth and Columbia.

The price
on the face of it seems greatly inflated. Indeed, it had been offered
for sale for just $90,000 five years before, a dime on the dollar that
Sarkowsky paid.

The property
was a parcel 120 by 127 feet on the northeast corner of the block
bounded by Fifth and Sixth avenues and Columbia and Cherry streets. It
wasFzoned for commercial development, but the lot was so small it was
hard to imagine what you might build on it.

Besides
its size, the lot had other problems. The express-lane ramps that
emptied onto Fifth Avenue sliced through the rest of the block, cutting
off access to both the west and the south. Interstate 5 itself cut the
parcel off from anything to the east.

All that remained was a small bit of land that could be reached only from the north.

When
Mason had worked for the city, his office overlooked the property. The
only signs of nonautomotive life on the block were two dumpy old
apartment houses, the Doris and Breslin, and a tiny, run-down patch of
park in the elbow of the interstate ramps.

“I
used to look out my window at City Hall and wish there was a way I
could return that property to a productive use,” Mason says. “The
block was wasted. It had little human use. It was underutilized. I
described it as a pockmark on the cityscape.”

But
Sarkowsky is fond of saying that in real estate you create value, and
Griffin, to his credit, had seen the one way to add value to this plot:
Put a lid on the freeway ramps and build above them. In essence,
recreate the block that had been there before the freeway was built.

Armed
with that idea, CHG paid $550,000 for the land in 1977, six times the
amount it had sold for three years earlier. Once the company owned the
land, it determined that the idea of bridging the freeway ramps was
feasible. It was still speculative, but possible, to effectively
quadruple the size of the lot, making the gamble taken in purchasing it
worthwhile and, not incidentally, increasing the value of the property.

So
this is what Sarkowsky bought: two apartment buildings that were losing
money every month sitting on a quarter of a block that might or might
not, depending on the willingness of the state Department of
Transportation to have their freeway ramps enclosed, have any commercial
value.

It was a speculative venture.

On
the other hand, at the rate and direction CHG was going, Sarkowsky’s
CHG stock had become highly speculative as well. It could soon be worth
nothing. At least this way, he had something.

Just what, he wasn’t sure.

A DEEPER COMMITMENT

On
Feb. 29, 1980 – Leap Day, as Fred Bassetti noted in his presentation –
the Sixth and Columbia Associates met to interview architects. The
associates were Sarkowsky; his daughter, Cathy Sarkowsky, and James
Mason, who by then had gone to work as the sole employee of the Sixth
and Columbia Associates.

The associates interviewed3D/International of Houston and three Seattle firms: Bassetti/Norton/Metler/Rothschild, NBBJ and TRA.

The
selection of the architect was not a formal competition in the sense
that the architects were asked to submit designs for a building the
owner wanted to build. The owner was hiring the architects in large part
to tell him what he wanted to build. He really didn’t know.

The
associates voted in favor of hiring 3D/I as the lead architect and Fred
Bassetti as the local designer. There was one vote. Herman Sarkowsky
cast it. The “associates” thing was a pleasant fiction at the time.
Sarkowsky initially had a partner on the project, an old friend and
mortgage banker named Del Balfoy, but Balfoy dropped out when the
project grew larger than his appetite.

Choosing
two firms to do one building was not all that unusual. It happens
frequently that a developer will hire a local company to go with a more
prominent out-of-town firm. Normally, however, the
out-of-town firm is hired to do the design and the local firm to produce
drawings. Design is glamorous. Drawings are tedious.

There
were particular reasons for the selections in this case. 3D/I was a
well-known national firm. It had been subordinate architect on
several landmark projects and was the lead architect on the Seafirst
Fifth Avenue Plaza, which in 1980 was being built directly across
Columbia Street from the Sixth and Columbia site.

“They
knew the area,” Sarkowsky said. They also knew Seafirst, which had yet
to run into its big problems out in the oil patch and was in the market
to become the lead tenant in still another new building.

Sarkowsky
hoped to persuade Seafirst to rent space in his building, and he
thought hiring an architectural firm that had already worked with the
bank would help.

Bassetti also knew the area. He had been born – now 72 years ago – a block from Sarkowsky’ssite,
and had once considered buying it himself. He was respected as an
architect and as one of a handful of people who had become a part of the
civic conscience.

“Bassetti had an in-town presence. That was important to Herman,” Mason says. However, “the other guyhad
the background. It quickly became apparent that if Seafirst was going
to do anything with us, it would be without Bassetti. It was nothing
personal, but their guys thought he had a reputation for building
expensive buildings. I kept telling them that maybe he did, but for
every building he built he had a buyer. I couldn’t convince them; 3D/I
was more a developer’s architect.”

What
that means is that 3D/I behaved and didn’t do foolish things, such as
put art before money, as Bassetti was accused of doing. Bassetti
protests this vigorously. He has been an architect for more than 40
years, has always sought to serve his clients faithfully and cannot
understand how he continues to have a reputation of being difficult to
work with.

“We tried to emphasize we were not just designers. We were practical. We watched the goddamned money,” he says.

Bassetti,
whose biggest project to date had been the 37-story Henry Jackson
Federal Building, was fearful 3D/I would steal the design work even
after Sarkowsky split the job. “We’re designers essentially, not
staircase- and toilet-drawing people,” Bassetti says.

He met with Dick Krutze, a 3D/I vice president, at theOlympic
Hotel bar to work out the relationship: “We circled each other like
sniffing dogs,” Bassetti says. “It turned out they were honest all the
way. My suspicions were totally unfounded.”

And,
as it happened, irrelevant. Several months into the job, 3D/I was
fired. In the time since they had won the contract, the possibility of
landing Seafirst had disappeared. The bank had announced it was going to
go into a new building Martin Selig was planning – the 76-story
Columbia Seafirst Center, to be built across Fifth Avenue from
Sarkowsky’s site.

There was also the question of expenses. 3D/I had an office in Seattle when itwon
the contract, but it later closed it. This meant its architects had to
fly back and forth between Seattle and Houston, which they insisted on
doing first class.

They also
insisted on staying at the Olympic. Sarkowsky, who another contractor
says is “a tiger on nickels and dimes,” would get irate every time he
saw one of the 3D/I bills with expenses on it. He asked them if they couldn’t travel more cheaply. They said no. He fired them.

Money
was becoming an issue. Sarkowsky was buying a lot of drawings. He had
already bought a lot of headaches in the form of a fight over the
low-income housing he had inherited from Griffin.

With
the purchase of the property from CHG, Sarkowsky had begun to dig
himself a hole on Sixth Avenue. It got a little deeper with the housing
fight. He didn’t realize just how deep it would get when the architects
were interviewed and designs of buildings reaching as high as 40 and 50
stories were mentioned.

There
is in structural engineering a phrase called the overturning moment.
This is a mathematical description of the point at which the forces
applied to the base of a structure overcome the structure. In other
words, it falls over. It is hard to determine precisely when Sarkowsky
reached the overturning moment, but it seems likely the day the
architects were selected was the day he fell into the hole and committed
himself to what would eventually become the AT & T Gateway Tower,
the $195 million, 62-story, red-granite high-rise with a green-glass
shower cap now coming out of the ground at Sixth and Columbia.

RISK: A WAY OF LIFE

Sarkowsky
is a much more pragmatic man than Henry Griffin, but there are strains
of Griffin in every developer. In contemporary downtown Seattle, that
strain is closest to the surface in Martin Selig.

The
chief differences between Griffin and Selig (regrettably, Selig’s
critics say) are that Selig has actually built buildings and hasn’t gone
broke yet. Living the entrepreneurial code, he has made something out
of nothing.

Leverage is a
time-honored way of life in real estate. It is embedded in practice and
honored in thought. “We wanted to O-P-M it,” a developer might say,
meaning to buy something with Other People’s Money. It is regarded as an
admirable way of doing business.

“Give
me a place to stand,” the Greek geometrician Archimedes once said,
boasting of the power of the lever, “and I will move the earth.”

Financial
leverage is no different. Given enough of it, you can pry open the door
to a world of riches. Selig has for the moment achieved what Archimedes
and Henry Griffin only dreamed.

Selig
was late in moving into the downtown market. While he was still out
building his reputation as King of the Denny Regrade, Wright Runstad, a
newly formed partnership of Howard Wright’s money and Jon Runstad’s
brains, had begun to buy and build along Third Avenue, west of the UW’s
Metropolitan Tract.

About the
same time, Unico, the Metropolitan Tract manager, had begun to explore
the possibility of extending its reach beyond the 10-acre tract, which
covers most of the area between Third and Sixth avenues and Union and
Seneca streets.

Several
Canadian developers also moved in. The Canadians, in the end, made plans
but very few buildings. Most of them eventually abandoned town in the
interest-rate run-up of the early 1980s, leaving their properties to be
bought by, among others, Selig and Dick Clotfelter’s company, Prescott
Properties.

In the past decade,
these four companies – Wright Runstad, Prescott, Unico and Selig – have
come to dominate downtown development in Seattle.

Each of the organizations reflects its leader.

Unico’s
Covey, for example, is known for his stodginess. He once was in the
market for a filing cabinet for his office. A salesman tried to persuade him
to buy a new credenza. He refused and insisted instead on having an old
file cabinet painted to match his 20-year-old furniture.

Covey’s
company is known for its caution, its low pay and its attention to
tenant needs. It is by general description a highly efficient, faceless,
management organization. Everyone knows and stays in his place.

“Unico isn’t slick, but they’re there,” says Geri Kraft, a local real-estate broker.

Selig,
in contrast to Covey, has a multimillion-dollar modern art collection
in his office and is famous for cutting costs in everybody else’s
offices. But like Unico, everybody at Selig’s company knows where he
stands – somewhere behind the high-profile boss.

“For
many years, Marty was basically a one-man shop. I guess he has a Number
2 guy now, but for years there wasn’t one,” says Sarkowsky, a longtime
Selig friend.

Runstad’s company is composedof
what appear to be legions of executive vice presidents. “Everybody at
Unico looks like a Xerox salesman. Everybody at Wright Runstad looks
like a Wall Street broker,” says one person who has worked extensively
with both. The company is very corporate and is both profit and quality
conscious, he says: “If it takes gold, they’ll go gold. They won’t go
gold on the outside and plasterboard on the inside like Selig. But
they’re very hardball players. They budget for a building and they don’t
budge.”

Clotfelter is sort of
an amalgam of all the others. Like Runstad, he has a background in
finance and is civically involved. Like Covey, his company is gaining a
reputation for property management. Like Selig, he is personally
involved with almost all business decisions.

“There
are vast differences between Prescott (Clotfelter’s company) and Martin
Selig, although they’re similar in that they are the ones you deal
with. When Selig or Clotfelter leaves the room to go to the bathroom,
the meeting stops. With Wright Runstad, Jon Runstad might be involved in
20 percent of the meetings on a building,” says Gerry Gerron, an
architect with the Callison Partnership.

“With Prescott, if Clotfelter isn’t there, you don’t have a meeting.”

One
striking feature of this small club of developers is the degree to
which its members are perceived by the general public to have the same
interests, when, in fact, they are often at one another’s throats. They
fight with the special bitterness exhibited by family members who know
all of one another’s dirty secrets and bad habits.

The
others dislike Selig, although not for the same reasons that seem to
have made disliking Selig a sort of cottage industry in Seattle. That
is: He is an egomaniac who builds ugly, derivative buildings.
Office-tower development is a business of big egos, so the other
developers can forgive that. And they have all built imperfect
buildings, so it is hard for them to condemn Selig for that. No, they
hate Selig because, according to their view of him, he is a dangerous
businessman, living perilously close to the cash-flow edge where one
little twist of the wheel could send him crashing over it.

That
twist is forecast over lunch in the development community daily. Or
over breakfast, or dinner, or cocktails, or just in idle conversation on
the telephone; the development community is a beehive of rumors,
especially about Selig.

Most Selig rumors are of this one specific sort: He’s about to go broke, and soon, like today.

The
problem to the other developers is not that Selig is close to crashing.
The problem is that he has not. If he would, they could go back to
business and maybe repair the market, get away from all these sales
gimmicks Selig has initiated and forced them to follow.

In
trying to fill the space he has built in Seattle, Selig has introduced a
host of marketing ploys, things like free parking; free tenant
improvements; free – this is the one that kills them the most – free
rent in the form of what is called space pocketing, the practice of
giving tenants free space to expand into in the future; and assumption
of prospective tenants’ old leases in other buildings if they sign new
leases with him. At one point, Selig had assumed so many leases of
Wright Runstad tenants, he was said to be the single largest tenant
Wright Runstad had.

His competitors regard all of thisas lunacy. Selig calls it salesmanship. The intent, so far as anyone can guess, is to do anything you cantolure tenants, fill up your buildings at whatever price to stem the negative cash-flow and go build more.

You
can succeed at this if you catch the right kind of inflationary spiral.
Assuming you’ve got a friendly bank and friendly terms, you can ride
the spiral all the way up.

So
far, so good. For Selig, anyway. Not so for many of the people he does
business with. Selig rumors within the development community are nearly
as numerous as Selig lawsuits. One local contractor complains that
Selig’s basic method of doing business is to subcontract as much work as
possible, avoid paying the subs for as long as possible, then litigate
the bills in the hope they’ll settle for something.

“Selig
is all float,” the contractor says, and tells of receiving a payment
from Selig via a bank in North Carolina and wondering for a moment why
Selig was banking in North Carolina. The answer, as nearly as he could
figure, was that the time in the mail gave Selig that much more float.

No
detail is too small for Selig when he is pursuing a potential tenant.
He has hosted white table-cloth, candlelight dinners on the bare floors
of high-rises under construction, complete with strolling minstrels and
the tenant’s prospective offices spray-painted onto the concrete.

On the right kind of summer night, with soft bay breezes blowing through the naked steel girders, it is said to be mesmerizing.

Similarly,
after a deal has been made, no detail is too small in Selig’s search to
cut costs. Janitors in some buildings say they’re told to vacuum only
common areas where there is visible dirt. If they don’t see anything,
they don’t vacuum.

This is not
something they teach you to do at the London School of Economics, where
Jon Runstad polished his development act to a quite high sheen.

Runstad
is heir to a fortune, not in money but in genes; he has a kind of lean,
patrician look that makes him seem too good to be true.

His
competitors think so, too. Their dislike of Runstad derives from the
acclaim heaped on him and his most recent effort, known variously as
Block 5 (a shorthand reference to its plat number, which is what the
development community calls it), 1201 Third Avenue (its address, which
is what Runstad originally called it and most people still do), or
Washington Mutual Tower (its actual name, which only the Washington
Mutual Bank executives who paid to have the building named for the
company call it).

Runstad, to
the horror of his competitors, succeeded with 1201 in bringing a
building to market and filling it up as if there were no competition.
The building’s highly decorative post-modern architecture touched off a
still-continuing debate on the relative architectural merits of all the
tall buildings in town and proved so attractive to corporate
decision-makers that they couldn’t wait to sign leases.

1201
Third has become the city’s most distinctive corporate address in a way
no building has enjoyed since the original Seafirst Building on Fourth
Avenue was built as the city’s first modern post-war skyscraper in 1969.

This is not the way to make friends with your competitors.

Close
behind Runstad in the good-guy developer sweepstakes is Clotfelter, who
has parlayed a knowledge of the brokerage and investment communities
into a succesful development start-up.

He
has also extended the range of the Seattle high-rise into the retail
core, building Century Square and now Pacific First Center smack in the
middle of the downtown shopping area.

Other developers criticize Clotfelter for having done this because they think he has helpedantagonize
the citizenry. In fact, they are angry because they wish they had done
it themselves. With what one local designer termed the “incredible
feeding frenzy” going on to lease space in it, Pacific First Center has
disproved the conventional wisdom, which held that corporate clients did not want to mix with downtown shoppers.

Unico
is the longest-term developer in town. It has managed the Metropolitan
Tract since 1954. The tract, originally given to the UW as a site to
build its school on, had been retained as an investment after the
university moved out of downtown to its current location in 1895.

The
tract’s managers were for decades content to stay within it, manage
their buildings and occasionally build a new one. By controlling their
10 acres in the heart of the central business district,
Unico to a greater extent than any other single entity – including the
city government – determined the physical environment of downtown
Seattle.

Mayors, planners,
other developers all came and went, properties were sold and leased and
re-sold and sub-let, and the tract remained. Its board of directors
always read like a list of the upper echelon of the city’s
establishment.

Unico’s singular
mission changed – to the dismay of its competitors – when the company
decided to break out of its 10-acre box in the late 1970s. The company
had acquired most of the block between Sixth and Seventh avenues and
University and Union streets as part of its deal to move Rainier Bank
into the Rainier Bank Tower in 1977.

The
bank, which had previously been on Second Avenue, had spent the better
part of a decade looking for a place to build a new headquarters. In the
process, the bank acquired three-quarters of three separate blocks,
only to be stymied on each block by what one bank officer called “some
holdup artist” who wanted more than the bank thought it ought to pay.
Fed up, Rainier jumped at the opportunity to move into a new building Unico proposed to build for it two blocks away.

As part of the deal, Rainier sold its Sixth and Union property to Unico.

Site
in hand and faced with the threat of losing tenants to the newly
competitive market, Unico began building new space of its own, starting
with One Union Square, completed in 1981, and continuing with Two Union
Square, now under construction next door.

Competitors
complain that UNICO has put itself in an ethically questionable
position. The development company is in the market competing for tenants
who might otherwise be in offices managed by Unico for the university.
In effect, the complaint is that Unico is stealing the university’s
tenants.

Better us than them,
Unico replies. And it seems likely that the competitors are less
concerned with ethics than with the competition. The intensely
competitive nature of the business is engendered by the relatively small
universe of potential tenants and the large investments tall buildings
require.

As a result, developers seek any edge they can get. The one used most frequently is the rumor.

Gerry
Gerron – the designer of some of the biggest buildings in town, a
native Southern Californian and a wearer of $900 suits, each of which
qualifies him as evil to some people, sainted to others – has become a
connoisseur of development rumors.

“Developers
are fighting for a limited commodity – tenants,” said Gerron, the
architect with Callison. “Every developer will either start or help
fuel any rumor he thinks will help him.”

The
gossip ranges from the merely speculative – say that some big
out-of-town dealer has signed an option to buy one of the superblocks
along University Street and is planning an 85-story job on it – to the
malicious.

Of this latter
variety, one of the best that made the rounds a while back was that a
certain building was having serious granite problems. The South American
stone being used wasn’t breaking or anything and it wasn’t going to
fall on anybody. It was simply going to cause cancer.

The
rock was said to have been impregnated with some sort of weird gamma
ray or something. Nobody knew how, but they delighted in repeating it.

ENTER THE OUTSIDER

It
was into this clubby, back-biting little world that Sarkowsky inserted
himself when he took over the Doris and Breslin apartments and announced
he was going to build a high-rise.

“Everybody
in town snickered at that project. Herman was not really part of the
development community. He was an outsider,” Mason says.

Says Sarkowsky:

“It’s
a very small group and they’re very, very competitive and they’re
really ego-driven. I really have nothing at all to do with them. I don’t
consider myself a downtown developer at all. I consider myself an
investor who happens to be building a downtown building. I’m very
friendly with Jon (Runstad). I’m very friendly with Marty (Selig). I
seldom if ever discuss any aspects of the business with them. With
Marty, never. With Jon, very seldom.”

Before
he could take the time to worry about other developers, Sarkowsky had
other concerns. Most immediately what he had, he was to discover, was a
problem. Part of Henry Griffin’s special talent to see what was possible
was an ability to ignore what was present, in this case, the Doris and
Breslin apartments.

Griffin had
always intended to demolish the apartment buildings, agreeing with
Mason’s description of them as “a wasteland.” Not everyone agreed.

There
were 93 studio and one-bedroom apartments in the two old buildings.
What Mason called a wasteland, John Fox, a low-income-housing advocate,
called a community. Reality, as usual, was somewhere in between.

Marilyn
McCraken, who lived at the Breslin until just before it closed, said
many of her neighbors knew one another well and socialized frequently.

Parties were the rule rather than the exception.

If
this sounds communal, it was. If it sounds idyllic, it was not. Marilyn
McCraken lived there two years and found an average of one corpse a
year on her doorstep. Granted, two years probably isn’t long enough to
say for certain this was a trend, but two in two years does seem to beg
coincidence. The only thing that kept McCraken from
leaving, she says, was her piano. She wouldn’t leave without it, and
because she lived on the fifth floor and the elevator was broken, she
couldn’t leave with it.

McCraken
liked to play Chopin and Rachmaninoff until she was forced to gradually
cut back, especially on the vigorous Rachmaninoff, due to the slow
mystery of arthritis that eventually crippled her hands.

The
piano might have disturbed her neighbors, McCraken recalls, but “they
had so many wild parties they didn’t have cause to complain.

“The
drinking was heavy. And the narcotics. And there was a lot of sickness.
. . . I found it a very depressing situation. I was glad to be out of
there,” said McCraken, who now lives on First Hill. “It’s a place I’d
just as soon forget. It was one of the worst places I ever lived.”

Other
former residents have fonder recollections, but they all acknowledge,
as McCraken says, the apartments were places for people who had no other
place to go.

When the apartments were built at the turn of the century,they
were part of a largely residential area that covered the western slope
of First Hill. But when I-5 plowed through the city in 1965, the Doris
and Breslin were orphaned, cut off from the residential community to the
east and placed with the growing commercial and office area to the
west. This separation changed the nature of the buildings.

The
freeway effectively rezoned the neighborhood, and when the city
formalized what the freeway had done by designating the land for office
development, the handful of apartments along Sixth was doomed. The
apartments were, as the city said in an analysis of the area, “being
replaced with office space on the basis of market demand.”

The
Doris and Breslin were on the last of the rezoned land, spared for a
time by the difficulty of the site. But now the market was pressing its
demands. Resisting was a group of people who thought the market had
already demanded too much and given too little in return.

This
group, headed by a young man named John Fox, was just beginning to
emerge as a political force in downtown politics. Fox and his allies
aimed to be a counterweight to developers, slowing if not stopping the
conversion of low-income housing into high-income offices.

The
Doris and Breslin battle was formative in the long-running war between
housing advocates and developers. Because of the buildings’ location
within sight of city hall – the same reason Sixth and Columbia
Associates’ James Mason was first attracted to the idea of redeveloping
the area – Fox and his allies in the Seattle Displacement Coalition
chose to fight their closure, hoping to elevate the buildings into a
symbol of disappearing housing.

There
was much to symbolize. In 1960, 25,000 units of low-income housing
existed in downtown Seattle. Today, fewer than one-quarter that number
are left. A simple economic logic, often abbreviated in the phrase
“highest and best use,” compels this conversion. Highest use does not
refer literally to tall buildings, but it might as well.

The Doris and Breslin werein
an area zoned for the most intensive development in the city. Under the
basic zoning code in 1981, an owner of the property would have been
able to build a building with 152,240 square feet. Nearby office
properties were renting at the time for about $20 a square foot.

The Doris and Breslin apartments were renting at $90 to $136 a month, or about $3 a square foot per year.

According
to a city Department of Construction and Land Use analysis in 1981, the
owner of the Doris and Breslin would have to at least double rents just
to cover operating expenses and debt service. It does not take an MBA
to figure out which of these paths a businessperson interested in making
money ought to take.

“I don’t
think I even looked at the apartments. I looked at the map,” Sarkowsky
says. What he had not looked at, however, was an agreement CHG had
signed with Fox and his group. The agreement stipulated that if the
Doris and Breslin were ever to be torn down, replacement units would
first have to be built within a half-mile of the site.

Sarkowsky
had already taken control of the property and had begun to offer
tenants $1,000 apiece to move. Several took him up on the offer. Others
left on their own, including five who died, four who went to jail and
three who went to the hospital. When Sarkowsky applied for a demolition
permit, Fox cried foul and waved CHG’s signed promise to replace the
units.

Griffin claimed the agreement was made under duress.

Sarkowsky claimed it did not, in any case, transfer to him with the property.

Fox claimed the sale of the property was a simple ruse to break the agreement.

He organized demonstrations downtown and, at one point, in front of Sarkowsky’s home. When this had no apparent effect,the Displacement Coalition sued to halt demolition.

This
was not what Sarkowsky had in mind when he bought the property. Neither
was it what the city had in mind when it had earlier passed its first
housing-preservation ordinance. Bob Royer, then an aide to his brother,
Mayor Charles Royer, intervened.

Bob
Royer at the time was trying to create what he called a family housing
project along Sand Point Way on land the city had gotten from the
federal government. Creation, in this case, meant money, which Royer was
looking for and which he soon determined Sarkowsky had.

His goal was to bring the two together.

He
worked out a plan whereby Sarkowsky could meet both the requirements of
the new preservation ordinance and the spirit of CHG’s agreement with
Fox. Fox would have to give up his insistence that the new housing be
built downtown. Sarkowsky would have to give up a million dollars to
build new housing.

“Everybody
bought it,” Royer said. “Sarkowsky put together a joint venture called
Emerald Trails to put up the housing, using federal funds for the
elderly/low-income portions. They (Sarkowsky) financed the middle-income
portion and built the whole thing.”

Everybody was happy, or at least mollified.

Fox
still regrets losing the two buildings, but the total stock of
low-income housing in the city was increased. Sarkowsky still regrets
losing (at least temporarily) the million dollars, but the Sand Point
housing has been up and rented for four years and is a profitable
long-term investment.

Still, the hole just kept getting deeper.

`WHAT AM I DOING?’

Sarkowsky,
by his own account and most others’, just sort of happened to be
building the city’s second-tallest building. He didn’t set out to do it.
He bought the property because it solved a problem, and each step
thereafter compelled the next. Eventually, he admits, he became
mesmerized by the high-rise, and not least by the fact he had poured $20
million into it before he ever turned a spadeful of dirt.

Sometimes, Sarkowsky says, the real reason a building gets built is that’s the only way to get your money back.

There was also some amount of ego and competitiveness involved.

“Maybe
subconsciously what I wanted to do was to show that it could be done,
that it wasn’t such a damn complicated process after all,” he says.

Sarkowsky
is 63 years old and has been in business for himself for most of his
adult life. He built thousands of houses and apartments in the
metropolitan area in the 1960s and is accustomed to taking risks. He
bought the Portland Trail Blazers basketball team on the strength of a
single telephone call. He and businessman Ned Skinner assembled the
group that began the Seattle Seahawks football team, thinking all the
while they would probably lose every dime they put in it.

“Herman’s
a homebuilder, and homebuilders tend to be intuitive,” says Mike R
oach, another member of that strange breed and one of his partners on
Gateway. “We tend to shoot from the hip.”

But
it was not until he encountered the world of high-rise development that
Sarkowsky began having what he guessed were anxiety attacks. He would
wake up in the middle of the night and wonder, “My God, what am I
doing?” (Clotfelter, a competitor, says he prefers to call his
“thinkathons.” The fact that they occur at 2 a.m. is something you
learn to deal with, he says.)

Sarkowsky’s
wife, Faye, took to using the name of the Almighty in a slightly
different manner than her husband. She began calling Gateway “the
goddamned building.”

Sarkowsky
says he violated every rule of personal financial exposure he had ever
established for himself. The only way to fill the financial hole was to
put a big building in it.

“How
much value is there to the plans? The building was designed for that
site. You can’t take those plans and hand them to Marty (Selig) and say,
`Here, build this at Second and Columbia.’ It gets to the point you
haven’t got anything to sell,” Sarkowsky says.

“You’ve got the ground, you’ve got the leasehold, the rest is down the drain.

“To
me it’s a huge project,” he says. “I was in the homebuilding business
for 17 years before I sold to ITT, the largest builder in the
Northwest. In all those years, all the work that I did – I was building
500 houses a year, and say they average $20,000 a house, that’s $10
million – in 17 years, with all the apartments and everything else, I
didn’t do $200 million.”

He has discovered that doing a $200 million building takes nearly as long as doing a few thousand smaller ones.

He
first had to find out if, in fact, he could build a high-rise, if he
could do what Mason had been investigating – put a lid over the freeway
ramps and lease the lid from the state, giving him the whole block to
build on.

After months of negotiations, the state in 1981 gave Sarkowsky a 77-year lease at $745,000 a year.

“They wanted the building. We wanted the money,” says Bob Peters of the state Department of Transportation.

The
deal proved to be an eye-opener for the state. It has since instituted a
marketing program to lease freeway rights of way. One customer is the
state convention center. Another is Martin Selig. Ever on the lookout
for an angle, Selig is paying $30,000 a year to the state to lease ivy,
thereby satisfying a landscaping requirement on Metropolitan Park II,
his new building at Denny Way and I-5.

Sarkowsky,
for his money, had made it possible to build a building twice as large
as he would have otherwise been allowed. The deal also allowed him to
begin serious planning for what sort of building it would be.

Until
then, architect Fred Bassetti had defined for him rough envelopes of
what could be built at the site. Now design work could and did begin.
With a design, Sarkowsky could go to the city, county, state and federal
governments to begin acquiring the 20 separate permits and licenses
required to build a building.

Here is how the design got under way, according to Bassetti:

“I asked a skyscraper what it would like to be. It said it would like to be tall. I like the view up here.”

THE SKYLINE FILLS UP

Downtown
has become much more crowded with both developers and developments
since Sarkowsky embarked on Gateway. The city Griffin had found so wide
open has narrowed. Ten million square feet of office space has been
built in the last decade. Five million more is coming.

Wright
Runstad built its first building, 1111 Third Avenue, in 1980. Unico
built its first building outside the Metropolitan Tract, One Union
Square, in 1981. Seafirst built its Fifth Avenue Plaza the same year. In
1983, Wright Runstad finished First Interstate Center.

These
buildings had all been under way when Sarkowsky, Selig, local architect
John Graham and Unico began planning new high-rises.

“We
knew Selig was working on something, because he was always working on
something,” Mason says. The something was Columbia Center, the tallest
building in Seattle. Selig had secured Seafirst as an anchor tenant and
because of it was able to beat the others out of the ground. Because he
did so with a building that was the size of two normal ones and because
everybody else ran into problems of one sort or another – Graham had
political problems, which translated into financial problems, and he
ended up selling to Clotfelter; Unico couldn’t find financing; and
Sarkowsky didn’t seem able to find anything – Selig temporarily froze
everyone else out of the market.

“Marty
is the real entrepreneur in the downtown development group,” Sarkowsky
says. “He is the only real, true risk-taker, the only one who owns all
of his buildings himself, the only guy who doesn’t look for partners,
the guy who is juggling all these financial balls. I mean Marty’s a
genius. With all the problems I had with this goddamned building, I
think he’s built six buildings in that time.”

The
market has never fully recovered from the shock of Columbia Seafirst
Center. The building, with 1.4 million square feet of space, was a third
larger than any other building in the city and looked like it would
answer the market’s space demands for years.

Sarkowsky
recalls running into Selig at a Downtown Seattle Association function
at which models of all the proposed buildings were displayed.

Surveying
the models, Selig said: “There are a lot of dreams here that are never
going to get built.” Selig, it turns out, was wrong. They’re all being
built. Whether they will all have tenants is still an open question.

To
a developer, says architect Gerron, “The market is everything. The
best award a building can win is having it full on occupancy. The story
has to have an audience.”

A
tall building has no other financial value. It does not, for example,
have value as a capital asset as it is treated in tax law. “You can’t
give them away if they’re empty,” one banker says.

A building also has no financial value as a work of art. No one collects them.

A
high-rise is not the sum total of its parts – the stone and metal. It
is worth the amount you can borrow against it. In turn, the amount you
can borrow against a building is determined by the amount of revenue it
produces. A high-rise in the end is a vertical revenue stream. It’s a
good building to its owner if the stream is full. It’s a bad building if
the stream is a trickle.

Gateway
is described as a $195 million building. That does not mean it cost
$195 million to build. In fact, it will cost about $105 million. But the
building is intended to generate enough rental income to cover the debt
service on a $165 million loan and to allow its owners to gradually
withdraw $30 million in cash they have invested.

“That
is the real challenge. We want to own the building and have no
investment, which is what all developers are after,” Sarkowsky says.

Every
developer is convinced, one banker says, that his project and his alone
“is God-driven.” It’s the other guys who have – or are – the problem.

All
developers distrust other developers’ ability to assess the market, but
they all agree the market ought to be allowed to decide for itself who
builds what. Solutions such as the proposed Citizens’ Alternative Plan
(CAP), which would restrict the number and size of big buildings that
could be built, are almost irrelevant, some say.

“CAP
is a gnat compared to the market,” says Keith Riely, a local
commercial real-estate appraiser. Riely thinks that with or without CAP –
which is up for a public vote on May 16 – few buildings are going to be
built soon, because the space supply is already excessive.

It
is an argument made repeatedly in the development community: Let the
market decide. It is not a lightly held notion. “You’re trying to
disrupt supply and demand,” one developer says. “That’s unnatural.”

But
the free market, when applied to city-building, has obvious
complications. Classic free-market theory describes an economy in which
the invisible hand governs, always correcting itself. This implies there
is something to correct. And indeed, in the short term, even according
to its staunchest advocates, a free market makes multitudes of mistakes,
economic and otherwise.

The
market often does not know it has had enough to eat until it is overfed.
It is not usually the first restaurant in a city that goes out of
business. It is the last.

The market, in other words, will almost inevitably overbuild.

Big
buildings are businesses. Unlike other businesses, when they go broke,
they do not pack up and go home. They remain on the landscape. In many
central business districts, in fact, they are the landscape. To a
significant degree, the built environment in an urban center is the
environment.

This built
landscape is often invulnerable to the corrections of any hand,
invisible or otherwise. Even if everyone had concluded, for example,
that Columbia Center was a mistake, it is unlikely the market would soon
correct it, that is, raze the building.

Many
developers and architects say they recognize the social responsibility
that derives from the relatively permanent and public nature of the
things they build.

“You’re preemptinga certain space of the limited space on this Earth,” says Fred Bassetti. “You’re acting like a god.”

Beyond this, Bassetti says,there
is a special responsibility in building a big building: “We don’t know
how long it’s going to last. They don’t tear them down. It might be
here forever.”

The dilemma of
tall buildings in many ways is embodied in Bassetti. Cities exist, he
says, as places of exchange – financial, intellectual, sexual. For
exchange to occur, you need commerce and dynamism. The questions to be
asked ought to be whether the form of any city promotes or diminishes
this exchange.

He will say, if
pressed, that tall buildings disrupt the city, that they cause too much
shadow, that they at once create too much density and sometimes remove
vitality.

“I would prefer to
see a city, I would prefer to see Seattle as it was. It was probably the
most desirable city in the late ’20s, before maybe 1926, before the
Northern Life Tower was built.

“You
look at any photographs of those old times, you’ll see thousands of
people on the streets, you’ll see people everywhere. A lot of buildings
have been built (since) but you see fewer people on the streets. I like
the excitement of the streets.”

On the other hand, an hour later, standing on theerection
deck on what will become the 50th floor of the tallest building he will
ever build, surrounded by nothing but steel beams and girders, he can
look west into the wind and tell you he can’t wait for the building to
grow past the height of 1201 Third Avenue, which he does not admire.
Then he says wistfully:

“If we had thought of it, we would have made the building thinner and taller. Could have made it taller than Columbia Center.”

THE SEVEN-YEAR SEARCH

When
Bassetti delivered to Sarkowsky plans for a building that would be 62
stories tall and covered in granite and glass, he had maximized the
site, “building what you could on it.”

By the end of 1981, Sarkowsky had begun to compile the necessary paperworkto
put such a building in place: a demolition permit, environmental-impact
statements (draft and final), and an application for a master-use
permit, the second most important document in the process.

The
most important document – a loan agreement to pay for all of this –
proved somewhat more elusive. It took the next seven years.

In
the meantime, Sarkowsky would change lawyers three times, project
managers three times, partners three times; he would acquire another
master-use permit; he would lose his law firm of 25 years as a tenant;
he would sell a football team; he would buy and sell a department store
and his wife would continue to call Gateway the goddamned building.

The hole was very deep.

HIGH RISE Part 2 == MAKING THE DEAL — SEATTLE DEVELOPER DIGS INTO FOREIGN POCKETS FOR MILLIONS OF DOLLARS TO GET GATEWAY GOING

TERRY MCDERMOTT

Consider
for a moment horses, lots of horses. What image is called to mind by a
quarter of a million horses gathered in one place, say, downtown
Seattle?

To urban planners of the 19th century, that many horses meant mainly one thing: a great amount of horse manure.

Planners
puzzled over the disposition of horse manure in much the same way we
now wonder how to curb carbon monoxide emissions. Newspapers of the day
ran frightening projections of the amount of manure produced as the
population of horses mounted.

Contemporary
urbanists, confronted with the seemingly overwhelming problems of the
modern city, sometimes remind one another of the fate of that towering
pile of horse manure. It was erased, of course, by the automobile.

There
are those who wonder if we have not simply traded one pile of problems
for another, but there is no debate that the automobile is one of a
handful of inventions that have utterly transformed the shape and nature
of cities in the past 100 years. The automobile allowed the city to
grow out just as another invention – the elevator – allowed the city to
grow up.

Together,
the motor car and the elevator cab are examples of a fundamental force
that historically has shaped cities: technology. In the modern era,
however, technological change has been challenged as the paramount force
in city building. The auto and the elevator have been much refined but
are essentially unchanged in the past 50 years.

Many
other recent inventions, most notably computers and telefax machines,
would appear to be forces of disintegration in urban centers, not
concentration. Yet cities such as Seattle have grown dramatically, and
the pace of change has been particularly rapid in the past decade.

There
are about 100 buildings in downtown Seattle. Twenty-six of those,
called Class A buildings, are regarded as premium commercial office
space. The 26 have a total of about 15 million square feet
of space for rent. Three more buildings, each with about 1 million
square feet, are under construction. By the time they are finished, the
supply of office space that t ook 100 years to construct will have
doubled in less than a decade.

Why? If not technology, what force was at work?

Judging
from the recent debate in Seattle over a citizens’ initiative to
restrict the size and number of office buildings downtown, many people
suppose that simple greed has become the driving force in
development. But the evidence suggests that the latest crop of new
buildings is not going to make anybody rich. Indeed, many of the most
recent buildings are projected to lose money for several years.

A top executive in a local suburban-development company was talking recently about this phenomenon.

“How
can these guys do it?” he asked, wondering how developers squeeze
profit out of a market defined by high costs – interest rates – and low
returns – rents.

“The
answer is they can’t,” he said. “They keep borrowing money from the
next deal to cover the last one. The bottom line is there is no bottom
line.

“That’s why we don’t go down there.”

A
month later, his boss bought two blocks in downtown Seattle. This
proved not that the executive was wrong about the market, but that he
was perhaps naive in thinking logic was one of the forces shaping it.

In
a complex web of world and local politics, coincidence, growth, ego,
human nature and competition, one force has taken a dominant role in
building Seattle. It is not technological innovation or rational
planning. It is instead a function of one of the oldest of man’s
inventions: money.

Changes in who has money and how it is used are altering the landscape of downtown Seattle.

TAKE A PLOT, ADD CASH

Herman
Sarkowsky is a rich man, but not, he discovered when he set out in 1979
to build a skyscraper, rich enough to build it and remain both rich and
sane.

En
route to this enlightenment, Sarkowsky poured more than $20 million
into a seemingly insatiable plot of land at Sixth Avenue and Columbia
Street in downtown Seattle.

The
land had been purchased – maybe salvaged would be a better description –
by Sarkowsky from the fading empire of an ambitious but underfunded
development company, CHG International. The company, run by developer
Clint Hergert and a visionary architect named Henry Griffin, had during
the ’70s purchased options or titles to more than 40 parcels of downtown
Seattle real estate. Griffin envisioned most of those parcels as the
sites of future office towers. But CHG was unable to carry the burden of
debt undertaken to buy the land, and was eventually forced to give it
all up and surrender to bankruptcy proceedings.

Sarkowsky
had been an investor in CHG, and as part of a deal to save what he
could of his investment, he ended up with the land at Sixth and
Columbia, on which sat two run-down apartment buildings. The small
parcel, 120 feet by 127 feet, was not initially one of Sarkowsky’s major
assets.

Sarkowsky,
63, is an independent private investor whose net worth is comfortably
into eight figures. His varied holdings have included racehorses,
computer software retailing, department stores (Frederick & Nelson),
housing subdivisions, office parks and professional sports franchises
(the Portland Trailblazers basketball team and a minority interest in
the Seattle Seahawks football club).

The land at Sixth and Columbia was zoned for high-density commercial development. When Sarkowsky bought it,
the two old apartment houses there were the only buildings on the
block. The rest of the land was carved up by a pair of on- and off-ramps
for Interstate 5. The part of it that wasn’t roadway was what city
planners called a passive recreation area, otherwise known as a vacant
lot.

Because
of its location near the traditional legal and financial centers of the
city, Sarkowsky assumed he would build some sort of office building on
it, but had little idea what sort. With the intent of putting a lid over
the freeway ramps, thereby reconstructing the block and enabling him to
build a much larger building, he began negotiations with the state
Department of Transportation to lease the air rights above the ramps.

The
state eventually said yes and, for three-quarters of a million dollars a
year, gave Sarkowsky a 77-year lease on the air rights. He had by then
already spent close to $1 million to buy the property, $1 million to
demolish the apartment buildings and another $1 million to build
replacement low-income housing.

In addition to the money, he was spending time. A dispute over demolishing the
apartments took two years to resolve. It took another year after that
to slog through the city’s land-use planning process. In order to obtain
a master use permit, Sarkowsky had to describe what he wanted to build.
He discovered he had no idea, but he realized that any building put on
the property would have to be of substantial size just to recoup his investment.

Sarkowsky
hired Fred Bassetti, a prominent local architect, to determine what it
was possible to build on the site, and Bassetti soon came up with a
rough plan to build a red-granite and bronze-glass, 62-story tower that
would wear a distinctive glass-gabled roof and a stout price tag of $85
million.

If
Sarkowsky needed to be convinced of the difficulty of the project, that
price tag did it. He had neither the expertise nor the resources to
build such a building by himself. Sarkowsky Investments, his company,
consisted of little more than himself, his secretary and bookkeeper.

He
had previously built hundreds of houses and small office buildings, but
nothing approaching this scale. Only a few of the office buildings even
had elevators.

Sarkowsky,
the son of immigrant German parents, had started his professional life
as a home builder. Graduated in 1949 from the University of Washington,
he went to work (at $52.50 a week) for William Spivock, a northern
California builder who was a friend of Sarkowsky’s father. Spivock
purchased a plot of land near Tacoma and sent Sarkowsky back to the
Northwest to develop it.

“ `If you don’t go, you’re fired,’ ” Sarkowsky says Spivock told him. “That was not much choice.” In return for accepting the new assignment, Sarkowsky was able to go home, get a raise (to $75 a week) and run his own show. But the show was slow to open.

He
built the first 25 houses of a planned 80-house subdivision and sat and
waited for them to sell. And sat. And sat. For months, nothing
happened.

“Spivock
finally said, `Get my money back and you can have half the profits,’ ”
Sarkowsky says. He chopped the price several times, and the
three-bedroom, one-bath units finally started selling at $9,950.

“I
ended up paying everybody back and ended up with the magnificent sum of
$10,000. I blew about a third of it on my last trip to Las Vegas. I
came back and (in 1952) started my building career with $7,000 . . . By
1969, I was the largest builder in the Northwest.”

At
that point, he cashed out of the business, selling his United Home
Corp. to International Telephone and Telegraph, a huge multinational
conglomerate.

ITT
under Harold Geneen, its chairman and chief executive, had developed a
ravenous appetite for small, successful businesses that had nothing to
do with telephones or telegraphs. In the period during which ITT bought
out Sarkowsky, the corporate giant was swallowing a company a month,
eventually ending up with 265 of them and 425,000 employees.

In
Washington alone, in addition to Sarkowsky’s company, ITT bought pulp
and paper mills, a bakery, a grass-seed farm and a business school.

Often,
as in Sarkowsky’s case, ITT also bought the management expertise of its
takeover targets. Sarkowsky went to work for ITT to manage the business
he had sold them.

Companies
were being acquired at such a rate that few people in the parent
corporation knew much about the subsidiaries or the people running them.
To help introduce them, Geneen decided at one of his annual meetings in
Boca Raton, Fla., to have the head of each subsidiary give a brief
synopsis of his division and its business strategy. When Sarkowsky’s
turn came, he arose and told the assembled executives that his division
built houses and small commercial buildings.

He
told them how much business the division was doing and how it was doing
it. In summary, Sarkowsky drew upon the success he had had as a home
builder and the reasons for it. He knew, as did all developers, that
there were in the world two kinds of money – your own and somebody
else’s. The developer’s business strategy was to risk as much of other
people’s money and as little of your own as possible.

“We build houses,” he said, “but, really, leverage is the name of our business.”

With that, he
sat down. The next day Sarkowsky was asked to a breakfast meeting with
Geneen. The call to a division manager to meet privately with Geneen – an imposing, almost mythic figure – was rare.

Geneen
was routinely hailed as the reigning genius of American business. His
aggressive acquisition of a broad array of subsidiaries was treated as
the textbook means of diversification, a strategy to protect the parent
company from the whims of business cycles endemic in any single
endeavor.

In
the elevator en route to the meeting, Faye Sarkowsky, Herman’s wife,
turned to him and wondered if maybe the appropriate music to accompany
their ride up to the chairman’s suite might be “Nearer My God To
Thee.”

At
the breakfast, Geneen, the consummate investor, asked Sarkowsky, the
newly minted young corporate executive, what he would do if he were
given $10 million of ITT’s money to invest any way he saw fit.

“I’m
sitting there thinking, `What does he want me to say?’ ” Sarkowsky
recalls. “Finally, thinking back to what I had said to the group about
leverage being the name of our business, I told him I’d buy ten $10
million buildings, leveraging the $10 million into $100 million.

“He
looked at me and said: `Herman, leverage is not the name of our
business. Conservation of assets is the name of our business.’

“I knew then I was dead,” says Sarkowsky, and when his management contract expired, he left ITT and went back out on his own.

THE MANY USES OF DEBT

It
is not through an idle choice of words that the specific forms of
indebtedness traded on Wall Street – which is to say, bonds – are called
debt instruments. Although seldom viewed as such by many ordinary
people, who see it as an encumbrance, debt is a tool. In the right
hands, it is powerful, enabling, among other things, young people to buy
homes; younger people to buy cars; corporations to create jobs; shrewd
people to buy wealth; and inventive people to invent.

If
we still had the cash economy we had at the turn of the century, says
Gordon Givens, vice chairman of Security Pacific Bank-Washington, “a
lot of us would still have outdoor plumbing.”

As
a home builder, Sarkowsky had learned to appreciate the power of debt,
and the experience at ITT did nothing to alter his faith in it. He had
no doubt he would use some form of leverage to build his skyscraper at
Sixth and Columbia.

Sarkowsky
had several circular tasks facing him. He wanted to build a building.
To build it, he needed to borrow money. To borrow the money, he needed
to convince a lender he knew what he was doing. To convince the lender,
he had to find a tenant who would agree to move into the building. To
find the tenant, he had to demonstrate he would have a building to move
into.

A
real-estate development loan is much like a leveraged buyout in which
the buyer borrows against the assets of a company in order to buy the
company. In a real-estate deal, the developer borrows against the assets
of what he is going to build in order to build it. As Sarkowsky says:
The objective of every developer is to own his building without having
any investment in it. It is, in some sense, a search for a free lunch.

The
question this might raise to an average individual is: Why can rich
developers borrow millions with little or no existing collateral while a
middle-class wage-earner has to mortgage his firstborn just to get a
loan to send the kid to school?

In
fact, the free lunch is available in some form to most of the middle
class. The typical home mortgage is little different in concept from a
development loan. The borrower pledges the house he or she is going to
buy against the money he or she will use to buy it.

The
cost of the loan, the interest, keeps lunch from being entirely on the
house. But with the tax write-off of interest so deeply embedded in the
tax code, it’s very close.

The
primary difference between a home loan and a development loan is in how
they are regarded. The homeowner frequently regards his home loan as a
necessary evil. The developer frequently regards his loan as a
liberation.

The difficulty, as Sarkowsky was to discover, is getting one.

“I
was not a developer,” Sarkowsky says. “I was a home builder . . . If
Bruce Nordstrom still calls himself a shoe salesman, I guess I can still
call myself a builder.”

That,
as it turned out, was part of Sarkowsky’s problem. He may, indeed, have
been a builder for 20 years, but as he himself says, “I was never
tempted to build anything tall.” Bassetti, the architect Sarkowsky had
chosen, was not experienced in building tall buildings either. For those
reasons, many lenders were not tempted to give Sarkowsky their money.
He and his building were seen as a risk.

“Herman
had never built a building like this. Neither had the architect,” says
Jack Shaffer, a New York investment banker who helped Sarkowsky look
for financing. “And Bassetti, let’s face it, he’s off the wall. There’s
a hole in the screen somewhere. I mean his children’s zoo is lovely. It
shows Fred’s talent. But it’s a children’s zoo.”

THE BIG BOOM BEGINS

The
world was not exactly idle while Sarkowsky was, as one of his
competitors describes it, “becoming more intimate with risk.”

Sarkowsky
had plenty of company in the early 1980s when he began his search for
money to build a skyscraper in downtown Seattle. The aisles of the
capital markets were fairly teeming with Seattle developers. Included
among them were four of the major local development companies: Martin
Selig, Wright Runstad, Unico Properties and John Graham.

Each
company had at least one new skyscraper, if not yet on an architect’s
drawing board, certainly on its way there. Surreptitiously, each was
making plans: Selig for Columbia Seafirst Center, a high-rise at Fifth
Avenue and Columbia; Wright Runstad for a building at 1201 Third Avenue;
Unico Properties Inc. for the second phase of its Union Square project
at Sixth Avenue and Union Street; Graham for a project at 1400 Fifth
Avenue that had been struggling through the city’s land-use approval
process for years.

Seattle,
a town that with few exceptions had grown, when it grew at all, at a
very measured pace, was poised on the edge of a downtown building boom.
The primary impediment to the boom was that very history of slow growth.

Downtown development long had been the province of a very few, very conservative people. They
were operating in a small market whose needs did not change rapidly.
Unico, which as manager of the University of Washington’s 10-acre
Metropolitan Tract in the middle of downtown was the oldest active
developer in the city, did not build new buildings, according to its
president, Don Covey, until its tenants asked it to.

The
IBM Building, for example, was born between a Friday phone call from
IBM inquiring whether Unico had any new buildings in the works – they
hadn’t; at least not before the phone rang – and a Monday meeting at
which Unico presented its plans to IBM.

“No-brainers,”
one local lender calls such build-to-suit buildings, which involve
relatively little risk. Seattle’s entire development history was filled
with no-brainers.

That was about to change.

The
modern era in downtown development began with a single event in 1983:
Martin Selig’s building of Columbia Center, a 76-story building that
dwarfed everything else in the city, as it would have in almost any
other city in the world.

Before Columbia Center, Seattle development was stately. Afterward, it was frenzied.

Before
Columbia Center, Selig was just another developer building office
buildings on Queen Anne Hill and in the Denny Regrade. Afterward, he was
Darth Vader, the devil encased in dark glass. The building’s scale so
enraged the guardians of the local public weal that even before it went
up they initiated an extraordinary effort to ensure nothing like it
would ever happen again.

This
effort took the form of an overhaul of the downtown zoning code,
restricting what it would be possible for a developer to build.
Unfortunately for those who desired the restrictions, the more immediate
effect of the 1985 Plan, as the rezoning came to be called, was to
ensure that several buildings nearly as large as Selig’s would be built.

Because several developers had already made significant investments in properties
they had acquired before the new code was enacted, they were allowed to
proceed under the provisions of the old code. Those projects included
Sarkowsky’s plans for a Sixth and Columbia building, Unico’s Two Union
Square and the John Graham project on Fifth Avenue, which would
eventually be sold to Prescott Properties Inc., another local
development company, and called Pacific First Center.

All
three projects had been in the conceptual, maybe-yes, maybe-no stages
when Selig secured Seafirst Bank as a tenant and with it the financing
to build Columbia Center. As Columbia Center actually came out of the
ground, the three other developers were forced to pause to let the
market absorb it. But by precipitating the rezoning of downtown, Selig
forced the hands of his rivals. In order to protect the investments they
had already made, they all sought and were granted exceptions to the
new zoning code, provided they built within a certain period of time.

Rather
than pre-empting the competition, Selig helped create it. Doug Norberg,
executive vice president at Wright Runstad, which threw its 1201 Third
Avenue building into the fray with the three others, says the
overbuilding of office space throughout the United States has been
caused mainly by two things: oversupplies of both developers and money.

Selig unwittingly helped Seattle meet the first condition. The world economy was ready to address the second.

A MONEY SURPLUS? HOW?

In
the past decade, there have accumulated throughout the world surplus
supplies of numerous basic goods. Wheat, for example, is being grown
faster than it can be sold.

The surplus of a product does not mean there is more of it than can be used. It means there is more of it than can be purchased.

Children
die daily from starvation while piles of wheat build from Ritzville,
Wash., to Melbourne, Australia. The malnourished do not lack a demand
for food. They lack the means to purchase it, while those who have the
means cannot possibly eat all they could purchase, and a surplus
results.

The
list of such surplus items is long. At its top, and with particular
relevance to development, is money. This surplus has several sources,
but for the purposes of development they are mainly two: the
globalization of capital markets and the creation since World War II of a
new sort of cash collective, the pension fund.

Pension
funds essentially did not exist 40 years ago. They did not exist in
anything like their current size even 20 years ago. As they have
accumulated, they have acquired an enormous strength to alter the
financial marketplace. This has been most notably evident in the stock
market, where the decisions of pension-fund managers can send the price
of an individual stock flying or dying. As was demonstrated in the fall
of 1987, the fund managers can help send the entire market spinning.

Developer
Dick Clotfelter, a partner in Prescott, first began approaching pension
funds for real-estate investments when he worked for Coldwell Banker in
1971.

“It
was a tough sell,” he says. “Most of the people we were trying to
sell to knew nothing about real estate. They were stock analysts. That
was their idea of an investment. All they knew about real estate was
buying a house. And in New York, not even that. Maybe buying a
condominium.”

Now, some pension funds seek to invest fully a fifth of their portfolios in real estate.

The
growth of pension funds has been relatively straightforward. The same
cannot be said for the globalization of capital markets, which has had
more complex causes and results.

Money
is what economists call a fungible commodity: Any one dollar can
replace any other. Modern money has no loyalty, no conscience,
recognizes no national boundary and knows no home. It is a footloose
mercenary.

There
is nonetheless a geography to money – not to its nature, but to its
supply. Parts of particular countries have mature economies that
generate more money than they need. They export money. The state of
Washington does not. It is an importer of cash.

The
same is true of countries. The United States used to be the world’s
biggest exporter of money, sending it abroad in the form of overseas
investment. In just the past decade it has become the largest importer.

According
to most mainstream economic analysis, continued high U.S. government
budget deficits through the 1980s were instrumental in altering the U.S.
position. The government borrowed to finance the deficits, creating an
increased demand for dollars, in the process driving up interest rates
and the value of the dollar. The high interest rates in turn attracted a
massive flow of foreign capital into the United States, reinforcing the
dollar’s rise.

As
the dollar rose, American goods became more and more expensive on world
markets, while foreign goods declined in price here. The result was a
huge and expanding U.S. trade deficit.

Japan, in stark contrast, has become a huge exporter of capital.

Japanese
companies manufacture and sell to people all over the world, but most
particularly to Americans, goods such as automobiles, cameras, videotape
recorders, stereo equipment and television sets. The Japanese companies
accumulate profits from these sales, creating one pool of capital. They
use another large share of the money to pay their workers, creating
another pool.

The
workers, by American standards, are phenomenally thrifty. They save on
average more than 17 percent of their income each year. Americans, by
contrast, save about 5 percent of theirs. Because so many Japanese are
so eager to save, banks do not have to pay them much for their money.
Interest rates on savings deposits in Japan are less than half what they
are here.

Japanese
banks are able to pay these low rates to depositors, then loan the
money in international markets where the interest paid is much higher
than it is at home.

Jack
Shaffer, Sarkowsky’s investment banker, is managing director of
Sonnenblick Goldman, a firm that specializes in real-estate investment.
An investment bank is not, as its name might suggest, a storehouse of
money. Shaffer does not lend money; he finds it and puts
it together with people who want it. As such, he has become a kind of
geographer of money. Nine years ago, about the time Sarkowsky was
discovering high-rise development, Shaffer was discovering Japan.

Sonnenblick
was a subsidiary of Lehman Brothers, one of the premier investment
firms on Wall Street. Lehman had opened a small office in Tokyo, and
Shaffer used it as an outpost to investigate Japanese capital. He found a
gold mine. One indication of the depth of the mine is Lehman’s office:
It has grown from six people to 500.

“They
had a lot of capital looking for a lot of places to go. There’s not a
lot of deals there and yields are very low,” Shaffer said.

The
United States has always been a destination for some foreign capital,
and American real estate has always consumed a portion of that
investment. The U.S. in general provides a secure environment in which
to invest, and real estate in particular has proven over time to be a
reliable hedge against inflation.

Claude
Ballard, a partner in another investment bank, Goldman Sachs, tells a
story that illustrates the allure of the U.S. as a safe haven.

A
French client wanted to invest in an American project that did not
promise a great return. Ballard advised against the investment, saying
the return would be merely adequate. It would not make the Frenchman
rich.

“Monsieur Ballard,” the Frenchman said, “I am already rich. I want to make sure I stay that way.”

The
strategies for current overseas investment here are little different
than the Frenchman’s. What has changed is the source of the capital.
Europeans, notably the British and Dutch, and Canadians have always been
active in U.S. real estate. The Japanese, with their burgeoning
surpluses, were not.

A
decade ago, total Japanese investment in American real estate was
scant. At the end of last year, according to a study by Leventhal &
Co., a Los Angeles real-estate consulting firm, it was $42 billion.

TIED IN A DOUBLE BIND

In
development, or for that matter in any business, there are two distinct
money markets – one for equity, another for debt. Among publicly owned
companies, these markets are known as stocks and bonds, stocks being
equity or ownership in a company, bonds being loans to a company.

The
chief distinction between them is that raising money by selling equity
dilutes your ownership. Selling equity reduces both your potential for
profit and your risk of loss. Selling equity buys you a partner.

By
1985, when the pending downtown zoning changes prompted him to resume
the project, Sarkowsky was in the unusual situation of pursuing both a
partner and a lender – equity and debt – simultaneously. But because
lenders frequently would like to know to whom they’re lending, the
search for a partner took precedence.

Sarkowsky
had no desire to rebuild the kind of development organization he had
sold to ITT just to build a single building, and, because he had no
intent of building more than one, he was determined to look for a
partner who could bring a development organization to the project. That
became his first task.

For
a brief period, it seemed a relatively easy one. The Koll Co., a
national developer of mainly low-rise office parks, in 1986 tentatively
agreed to become a partner.

Sarkowsky
says they parted company because Koll “didn’t want to be a real
risk-taker,” which is to say the company did not want to invest any of
its own money in the project.

Joe
Shepherd, head of Koll’s Seattle operations, says the company simply
decided “our plate was already too full. After we evaluated it, we just
felt it wasn’t appropriate.”

That
evaluation, unfortunately for Sarkowsky, occurred just as he was in the
midst of his first genuine advance toward getting his building built.
Geraldine Kraft, a real-estate broker Sarkowsky hired to help manage his
project, had found a potential lead tenant for the building, which by
this time had acquired the name Gateway Tower.

The
tenant was a significant one: AT&T, exactly the sort of brand-name
tenant Sarkowsky could take to a bank and exchange for money. AT&T
is the third-largest office user in the United States, trailing only the
federal government and IBM. The company had just been
dismembered by the Justice Department and throughout the United States
was taking advantage of a glut of new office space to consolidate its
rental space.

In
Seattle, the company had 500 employees spread through four different
locations. Consolidation made sense, especially when the amount of empty
space coming onto the market made it an optimum time to make a deal.

The
space glut caused by the combination of Columbia Center and four new
buildings in various stages of development – Gateway, 1201 Third Avenue,
Pacific First Center (the Graham/Prescott project) and Two Union Square
– was pulling tenants into the market. Deals were being made at cheaper
rents than people were paying a decade earlier.

Large
tenants can make or break projects. By “anchoring” a building, they
guarantee a long-term source of income to its owner. Such income is what
a lender looks at in determining whether to lend. Tenants know this and
use it as leverage against developers. AT&T was looking for 125,000
square feet, enough to qualify as what one broker calls a gorilla
tenant – big enough to get almost anything it wanted.

AT&T
was more sophisticated about this than most tenants. It is so large it
has an entire division devoted to finding and leasing space. “Occupying
buildings is a business to them,” one developer says.

They
surveyed the Seattle market and invited the developers of each of the
four new buildings to fly to New Jersey and make proposals. The
competition was no secret. In fact, when Sarkowsky and Kraft flew back
to make their proposal, Unico’s Covey was on the same airplane. When
Clotfelter of Prescott was at AT&T’s offices, he ran into Wright
Runstad representatives in the hallway.

Similarly,
everybody had a pretty good idea what the others were offering because
AT&T was challenging them to top one another. The competition
narrowed to Gateway and Pacific First, and as the offers got better
again, Gateway’s emerged as the best, says Tom Schiable, an AT&T
spokesman.

The
terms of the lease are confidential, but a variety of sources placed
AT&T’s rent in the range of $17 a square foot per year, a
substantial discount from the top rents in the market, which are now at about $26.

AT&T
reaped other benefits in addition to the low rent. The company’s name
was added to the building’s signature and will be affixed somewhere on
the exterior of the building itself, a not-insignificant advertisement
considering 160,000 automobiles a day pass Gateway’s site along I-5.

More
tangibly, AT&T received a $600,000 cash inducement to sign the
lease. Finally, AT&T received what is called an enhanced lease,
giving the company the right to share in the profits if the building is sold or to receive a fixed amount of cash after 10 years if the building is not sold.

Schiable,
in a model of understatement, says the enhanced lease “gives you some
of the benefits of participating in profits, but it doesn’t saddle you
with the risk. It’s kind of a conservative way to enjoy the potential
profits.”

Perhaps
what is most astonishing about a lease like this is that there are
better ones in town. Enhanced leases have become common for anchor
tenants. Lead tenants in Pacific First Center, 1201 Third (now the
Washington Mutual Tower), Columbia Center, Century Square and Two Union
Square all have options granting them some profit from or ownership of
the buildings.

Sarkowsky
was in the midst of negotiating this deal when The Koll Co. called to
tell him it was dropping out of the project. At that point, he still had
no financing and no tenants. He needed AT&T. He was forced to call
AT&T officials and tell them Koll was dropping out, but that he was
talking with other potential partners.

AT&T
officials said they could afford to wait for a while, but they told
Sarkowsky they had a deadline by which time they would have to make
other arrangements.

Even
in a market where the supply of developers and cash – not demand – was
the driver, Sarkowsky needed a lead tenant in order to get money. No
lender in his or her right mind was going to lend money to
a building that had no tenants. (Actually, even this fundamental was
eventually ignored in the space glut. Two Union Square found financing
from the Washington State Investment Board, managers of the state
employees’ pension fund, without any tenants. No one in the development
community even attempts to explain this. They regard it as an unnatural
act for which no explanation is possible.)

A LONG, LONG MATING DANCE

Sarkowsky
in the fall of 1986 contacted Jack Shaffer at Sonnenblick Goldman for
assistance. Through an intermediary, Shaffer introduced Sarkowsky to
Neil Hokonson, a representative of one of North America’s wealthiest
families, the Belzbergs of Vancouver, B.C. Hokonson very quickly
determined that the Belzbergs’ company, First City Development, was
interested in becoming a partner in the project.

“Herman
felt he didn’t have the expertise. I turned him over to the Belzbergs.
That part was easy,” Shaffer says. “The Belzbergs, though, wanted to
OPM it, use `Other People’s Money.’ So we brought Kumagai Gumi in as a
joint developer.”

Kumagai
Gumi, a Japanese company, is the sixth-largest general
contracting-development company in the world. Its annual revenues
routinely exceed $5 billion. In 1980, when Shaffer first met Ryuichiro
Katano, Kumagai Gumi’s general manager of North American operations,
Kumagai had yet to sign a contract in the United States. By last year,
the company had booked $3 billion worth of business here.

That
quickly – after seven years of futile searching, after a lunch with
Hokonson at the Rainier Club and a dinner with Katano in San Francisco –
it looked like it was over. Sarkowsky had found his partners. With
them, he was assured of keeping his tenant. With the tenant, he would be
able to get a loan. With the loan, he was assured of building his
building.

Katano
detailed Mike Roach, one of his project managers, to work out the
partnership agreement and sign a contract with Sarkowsky.

It took two years.

“After
the initial contacts with Kumagai, within three months they said OK.
That’s when I thought my problems were over. That’s actually when they
started,” Sarkowsky says.

The
difficulty was the sort of contract Kumagai wanted to sign. Having
heard horror stories common in the American construction industry about
partners suing one another, Katano wanted a litigation-proof contract.
He wanted every contingency addressed and resolved.

Additionally, Roach found the Seattle lifestyle an impediment.

“It
was extremely laid back . . . Our attorneys would draft language and
send it up to Bogle (Bogle and Gates, Sarkowsky’s law firm). I’d come up
to negotiate and the attorneys would say, `It’s probably OK, but I
haven’t read it yet.’ So I would have made the trip for nothing.”

The
contract eventually exceeded 100 pages. Sarkowsky estimated its cost at
$5,000 a page. In the end, he says, it was worth it. The building would
get built. The deal was beginning to get done.

Tall
buildings like Gateway exist in many realms – as objects of art, as
examples of an indigenous form reflecting the poetic vigor and
rambunctiousness of American society, as expressions of ego – but you
hear little talk of such things today, not even from the people who
build the buildings.

The economic life of the buildings – the deals that are made to get them built – shapes them.

There
is hanging over them what novelist H.B. Fuller described almost a
century ago as “the incessant demon of the 9 percent,” a reference to
the demand for return on investment.

The partners in Gateway reflect this.

Sarkowsky
eventually came to see Gateway as a necessity, an inexorable
consequence of other economic actions: “I was not mesmerized, but there
was a point of no return, like trying to take an airplane off the
runway. There was some point at which I couldn’t stop the process,
couldn’t get what I had out of it.”

Hokonson
of First City Development says: “This business isn’t building
buildings. It’s a business of structure and evaluating risk. The
physical building of this building is the simplest part of it. You get a
bunch of construction guys, architects and engineers, put them in a
room and tell them to bring out a building. Then you keep saying no
until they bring out what you want . . . The rule is to never fall in
love with anything.”

Roach
of Kumagai Gumi says: “This company’s interest in development is in
generating construction. We develop so the construction company has
something to build.”

As Fred Bassetti, Gateway’s architect, says:
“There are no philosophers in that group.” Nor would any of them
claim to be. The partners’ attitude would best be described as
pragmatic. If you need a philosopher, hire one.

WOOING – AND WINNING

While
Sarkowsky and Kumagai were engaged in their mating dance, Hokonson was
trying to find $165 million. The estimated cost to build Gateway Tower
was about $85 million. That much again was needed to pay
non-construction costs – called soft costs in the business. These
include architects’ fees, taxes, permit fees, marketing, building
operations and, especially, interest. The total cost is estimated at
$195 million. The partners were ready to invest $30 million of their
cash and sought to borrow the rest.

Almost all office towers are financed in two stages: an initial loan to construct the building, followed after construction by refinancing at a lower rate and usually with a different lender.

Consortiums
of banks typically issue construction loans, with one member of a
consortium becoming the lead bank and taking most of the initial loan.
Insurance companies and pension funds typically issue the long-term
loans. The banks generally decline the lo ng-term loans because they
are, in the words of one lender, “in the business of churning money.”
Insurance companies and pension funds, by contrast, want long-term,
secure sources of income.

Hokonson’s
search for a construction loan was complicated more than a little by
the fact that Kumagai was not yet formally a partner. It was further
complicated by Hokonson’s insistence on a non-recourse loan, which is
exactly what it sounds like: If for some reason Gateway Tower does not
get completed, if for whatever reason the partnership defaults, the bank
would be stuck with the building with no recourse to any of the
partners’ other assets.

Non-recourse
loans are common in the long-term market. They are almost unheard-of
for construction loans, because construction is risky. One reason Martin
Selig is able to secure financing so readily for so many buildings is
that he offers lenders full recourse on every project, says Jim
Kirschbaum, a commercial banker at Seafirst.

“Martin Selig steps up to the line for everything every time. There are no partners, no dilution, no separate corporations. It’s just one guy. It’s a distinct advantage when you’re looking for money,” he says.

It
is also a distinct disadvantage if something goes wrong, says Hokonson,
who finds such risk unacceptable. Hokonson by training is an
accountant, and he describes himself as “extremely risk-averse.”

Hokonson
presented the Gateway proposal to about 50 potential lead banks, chosen
mainly because of their size. The number of banks who at any given time
might be willing to lend that much varies. Lenders come
in and out of the marketplace according to their own economic
circumstances and desires. The potential lenders for Gateway were
further reduced because of the non-recourse demand. That was “a
deal-breaker” for several, Hokonson says.

Hundreds
of hours are consumed in negotiations to arrive at the final structure
of a large loan. Most of it has nothing to do with significant points,
Hokonson says. Those often are settled early. Instead, the negotiations
often involve such things as the size of the bank’s name on the sign at
the construction site.

Of
the 50 banks that looked at the Gateway proposal, three entered into
negotiations. One of the three, the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce,
negotiated for months, “right down to the deal point,” Hokonson says,
but never gave in on the non-recourse demand.

Rainier
Bank agreed to that demand but was not willing to assume a large enough
share of the loan. “They weren’t voting with their money,” one local
broker says.

All
the while, competing developers snickered. Most assumed Gateway would
never get the money and would never be built. Clotfelter says he was
shocked when last year the Bank of Montreal finally agreed to head a
group that included Rainier (since renamed Security Pacific Bank
Washington) and five Japanese banks to make the loan.

“Some fundamentals (of the market) were ignored,” he says. “I assume Kumagai had to sign on the line.”

In fact, the wealth and reputations of First City and Kumagai made the loan possible.

Yutaka Hotta, deputy general manager of the Long Term Credit Bank of Japan, says
his bank took part of the loan for one simple reason: “We’re very
closely related with Kumagai Gumi. They introduced us to this project.
And we have a completion guarantee from KG Construction,” Kumagai’s
building company.

In
a bygone era, say 10 years ago, Gateway probably would never have been
built. For that matter, after Columbia Center and 1201 Third Avenue beat
them out of the ground, neither Two Union Square nor Pacific First
Center would have been built, either.

The
rules have changed. Seafirst’s Kirschbaum says it has gotten to the
point that “you just don’t build here without foreign investment.

“All
you’ve got to do is look around,” he says. “Deutsche Bank on 1201; C.
Itoh on Bellevue Place and Pacific First Center. Kumagai is absolutely
paramount to (Gateway) being built.”

In
some sense, you can think of Gateway as a very big pile of color
television sets: it represents excess capital at rest, waiting to earn
money.

Although
it sometimes might not seem like it to an individual looking for a
used-car loan, lenders cannot just sit on their money.

They need to make loans.

“There
is too much money chasing very, very few deals,” says Shaffer, the
investment banker at Sonnenblick Goldman. “You have never seen cash
backed up like this. There’s virtually no place to put it.”

American
real estate, even in a glutted market, is a relatively low-risk
investment, so money continues to flow toward it even as almost all
American cities have overbuilt.

Investors
are aware of the oversupply of buildings, says Keith Riely, a veteran
Seattle commercial appraiser. “But what are they going to do? Buy
stocks? Loan money to Brazil?”

SIGNED, SEALED, DELIVERED

When
it all finally came together last summer, it came all at once. AT&T
signed on for 125,000 feet. Kumagai signed on to build the building and
stick $15 million of its own money into it as a 50 percent equity
partner. Sarkowsky and First City signed on for the other $15 million
between them. The Bank of Montreal agreed to make the seven-year,
non-recourse loan for $165 million.

As all of this happened, Faye Sarkowsky sensed a change in Herman. Her husband’s anxiety, which had become oppressive, lifted.

“Gateway
is the first time I’d seen anything affect his health. The hole just
kept getting deeper and darker. I was worried about him. I didn’t want
to end up the rich widow. Or the broke widow; whichever.”

She had taken to calling Gateway “the goddamned building.” That has changed, she says.

At
a ceremony last month to hoist the final beam of the tower’s steel
frame into place, she jokingly signed her name on the beam beneath the
salutation: “To the G.D. Building.” That was for old times’ sake.
Henceforth, she declared, it would be the god-blessed building.

Finally,
Sarkowsky had filled the hole. The world economy had conspired to get
the building built. Now the question is, will the economy produce enough
paying customers to fill it?


HIGH RISE: PART THREE
DRAWING THE LINES

.
——————————————————————–
BY TERRY MCDERMOTT
Times Staff Reporter

Herman
Sarkowsky is a conservative, unemotional and at times bloodless
businessman, “a man of incomparable business acumen,” one rival says,
who has demonstrated an ability to make money, even when he isn’t
trying, that borders on the eerie.
Sarkowsky says much of his ability
is not calculated, it’s intuitive. At some level, this must be exciting
– neurons whizzing all over the place, assessing and probing, accepting
and rejecting – but Sarkowsky’s expression of the synaptic hubbub, his
language and face, remain as laconic as an accountant’s. He retreats
into the far reaches of an armchair and barely moves when he speaks.
Even close associates find it impossible to determine what’s going on
behind the poker face.
“He’s a good gambler. You don’t know if he’s
won or lost,” says Faye Sarkowsky, Herman’s wife. Faye says there is a
telltale “Sarkowsky smirk” when something pleases Herman, but it is so
imperceptible that no one outside the family has ever reported a
sighting.
Ten years ago this winter, Sarkowsky entrusted Fred
Bassetti with what would eventually amount to $200 million of his and
other people’s money, and asked him to design a skyscraper.
Bassetti
was then a 62-year-old Seattle architect with the innocence of an
8-year-old and the energy of an adolescent. The only thing that has
changed since is Bassetti’s age. He is as voluble and open as Sarkowsky
is reserved. If you can’t tell whether Bassetti has won or lost, one or
the other of you is dead.
“Fred sort of hits a wall, rebounds, then hits the other wall,” says Phillip “Skip” Norton, his partner.
Karlis
Rekevics, another partner, says: “Once he’s said something, there is
no way to talk him out of it. It can be frustrating, it can be humorous.
Overall, it’s pretty exciting to work around him, even if it means you
don’t speak to each other for months at a time.”
Bassetti is passionate, his ideas deeply held and richly delivered.
“I
can’t tell you the contempt I feel,” Bassetti will say, beginning a
critique of 20th century architecture that, left unfettered, will go on
to include allusions to Hitler, Hamlet and pancake makeup.
“Well,” another conversation begins, “I fell in love over the weekend.”
This
sort of psychological disrobing led one of Sarkowsky’s bankers to
lament in print that Bassetti was “off the wall.” After quizzing a
dozen people to find out what this meant, Bassetti concluded it was
good.
“At least he didn’t say I was over the hill,” Bassetti said,
and promptly ordered a set of vanity license plates inscribed OFFTHWL, a
badge of enduring Bohemian artistry the sincerity of which is difficult
to question.
“Fred’s architecture is a search for truth,” says one longtime associate.
Therein
lies one of the wonders of contemporary city-building. It is carried in
trains on separate tracks, defined by the developer’s search for money
on one rail and the architect’s search for truth on the other.

THE INTERVIEW
A
large display board at the offices of Bassetti, Norton, Metler,
Rekevics notes the status of each project the firm is working on: A
school is being bid; a house designed; a small office building built.
The
status of the 62-story AT&T Gateway Tower, the biggest, most
expensive and longest-lived project in the firm’s history, is described
less specifically.
“Gateway:” someone has scrawled, “The Saga Continues.”
The
Gateway project went on BNMR’s boards a decade ago when the firm, in
the person of Bassetti, was invited to interview for the job. BNMR was
one of four firms Sarkowsky asked to make proposals for an office
building at Sixth Avenue and Columbia Street in downtown Seattle.
Two
other local firms, NBBJ and TRA, were also on Sarkowsky’s “short
list” for what was a very vague project. All were selected because of
their local prominence and availability. Besides the locals, Sarkowsky
interviewed architects from 3D/International, a Texas company with an
office in Seattle. 3D/I was invited because the company had just
finished designing Seafirst Fifth Avenue Plaza across from Sarkowsky’s
property. Rumors hinted that Seafirst Bank needed still more space, and
Sarkowsky thought 3D/I’s past work for the bank might help lure it into
his building.
The architects’ presentations were not formal designs.
No one actually had a building in mind yet. To a large extent, Sarkowsky
did not know even what zoning laws would allow. That was partly why he
needed to hire an architect – to determine what was possible, then begin
slogging through the city permit process.
The presentations dealt
less with a building that would be built than with buildings that had
been built – in essence, discussions of the architects’ resumes.
TRA,
it turned out, was not nearly finished with One Union Square, a
high-rise being built by Unico Properties, and was quickly eliminated.
Bill Bain, a partner in NBBJ, showed up with “three or four guys in
beards, corduroy jackets and desert boots,” and made a thoroughly
“underwhelming presentation,” according to one person who was there.
It, too, was eliminated.
That left 3D/I and Bassetti. Dick Krutze, a
3D/I vice president, wasn’t particularly inspiring in his presentation,
but 3D/I’s people seldom were. The firm was not in the inspiration
business. It had a reputation as a developer’s architect: Produce a
straightforward design; get in, get it built, and get out.
Its
management expertise and the connection to Seafirst were valuable to
Sarkowsky, who was inclined to hire the company but was unsure of its
design abilities. Additionally, although 3D/I had a local office, it was
not a local firm. It had little of the community presence that was
important to Sarkowsky, who moved in Seattle’s highest social circles.
BNMR,
on the other hand, was entirely local. And if it was inspiration you
wanted, well, Bassetti on his best days could make you believe he was
building a stairway to heaven. Bassetti was highly regarded as a
designer, frequently honored by his peers, and a prominent figure, fully
involved in the life of the city, but Sarkowsky wondered if BNMR could
handle a job this large.
Architects for large commercial ventures
perform a multitude of tasks, conceptual design being the most public,
most honored, and most criticized of them. But conception of buildings,
like conception of babies, is in some sense the easiest, most
pleasurable part of a process that takes a long time. One burst of
inspiration by some creative genius – a “Crayola designer,” one member
of Bassetti’s firm calls such people – does not a building make.
Someone
must determine what will fill the crayon sketch. Someone, for example,
must flawlessly produce more than 5,000 drawings just to specify the
structural steel in a typical high-rise.
The project architect
functions as a sort of general contractor for design, making sure the
sticks and stones match the paper and pencil. The architect often
selects and sometimes hires many of the subcontractors – the structural,
mechanical and electrical engineers, elevator consultants,
window-makers, stonecutters, many of these perhaps scattered all over
the country, if not the world.
BNMR was not noted for its work on
speculative commercial buildings. Its design ability was never
questioned, but its administrative capacity for a large private project
had never been tested.
Bassetti emphasized his commitment to the
building owner’s needs: mainly, making money. He noted he was ready to
hire a “time and cost control consultant” for the project. His
somewhat quirky presentation, peppered with exclamation points,
concluded by promising to “serve the Client so well that he won’t be
troubled with the need of an interview next time.”
Sarkowsky loved it.
Still,
preliminary probing of Seafirst executives made it clear the bank did
not trust Bassetti’s administrative abilities. Sarkowsky split the baby
in half. He hired Bassetti to do the design and 3D/I to manage the
project.
The obvious good sense of this quickly went the way of all
obvious good sense in the development business. It disintegrated. 3D/I
was gone before the first spadeful of dirt was turned.
“They hit the
wrong button with me,” Sarkowsky says. The button had a dollar sign on
it. Hired to watch the money, 3D/I was let go because in Sarkowsky’s
view it was spending too much of it. After winning the job, the company
had closed its Seattle office, and its architects were commuting from
Houston.
“Herman is a financier, not a developer,” Rekevics says.
“He makes his money on paper sitting in his office. . . . These guys
would come here and give Herman three days of Olympic Hotel bills and a
couple of first-class airplane tickets. Herman says, `I can’t bank that.
What I need is a master use permit; I don’t need hotel bills.’ ”
Sarkowsky
wanted to find a development partner to run the project so he wouldn’t
have to worry about such things. While the architects were flying back
and forth to Houston, he had been looking for a partner. He had yet to
find one.
Sarkowsky, the passive investor, for now was Sarkowsky the
developer. And Bassetti, the freewheeling designer, was suddenly
Bassetti the project bureaucrat. The odd couple had been joined – like
two teen-agers no one else would ask to dance – by attrition.

THE ARCHITECT
Bassetti
was born in downtown Seattle just a block from Gateway’s site. His
father was a dour Italian accountant, who published a group of community
newspapers here.
Bassetti’s mother was a vivacious Norwegian, whose gregarious personality came through unchecked in her only son.
Bassetti
graduated from Garfield High School and enrolled at the University of
Washington, planning to become an engineer. He envisioned himself a man
of action: “Look through a transit, wear a hard hat, brave the elements
and build bridges or towers or something. But I found engineering, the
way it was taught, to be rather dry and uninspiring.”
One day during
his freshman year, he went to meet a friend at the School of
Architecture. While waiting outside the friend’s class, he looked
inside.
“I remember looking through the door . . . and seeing 30
freshman students doing watercolors. And I thought, `How can anybody do
that?’ I could never draw even a stick figure,” Bassetti says. “But as
I looked around the walls, here were these watercolors of lamaseries in
the Tibetan Himalayas. And here was a picture of a restaurant
cantilevered out over the rocks on the San Juan Islands. And there were
men and women sitting out on the deck with martinis in their hands,
seagulls were flying around.
“Seeing the romance of those drawings, it was the first time I became motivated.”
Thus
inspired, Bassetti earned a degree in architecture and went to work
designing government housing during World War II. After the war, he won a
scholarship to graduate school at Harvard, where he was imbued with an
intellectual framework to hang his enthusiasm on – Modernism.
Harvard
at the time was one of the centers of the Modernist movement in the
United States, and Bassetti studied with its master, Walter Gropius. The
Silver Prince, as the painter Paul Klee called Gropius, had founded the
Bauhaus School in Germany after World War I. From within its walls he
engineered a revolution.
Modernism overthrew, then became,
architectural convention. In place of the neoclassical, decorative
fashions of the time, Gropius and his allies insisted on a strict
formality in building. Geometry and function reigned. The spirit was
captured exactly in the title of an early Modernist essay, “Ornament
and Crime.”
Only “modern” materials, steel, concrete and glass,
should be used. A building’s structure should be “expressed” by its
form. Arched windows and doorways, pitched roofs and eaves were
forbidden. Only flat roofs, pure rectangular doors and windows were
allowed. The glass box became the standard form of contemporary
commercial building.
Gropius eventually fled Hitler and came to the
U.S. American architects flocked to Harvard to study with him. Being
accepted into Gropius’ studio was an accomplishment in and of itself.
The best young architects in the country wanted to be there. Philip
Johnson studied with Gropius. I.M. Pei had the drawing table behind
Bassetti in the design studio.
“It was very stimulating,” Bassetti
says. “It was a little bit doctrinaire. We copied Gropius a little bit.
We were not advanced enough to go beyond copying. We didn’t copy
directly, but it all had that Bauhaus look.”
In 1947 Bassetti came
home. He spent much of his first year remodeling porches and waiting for
clients who never arrived. Eventually he began building homes, usually
small homes on difficult sites. He built boxy, flat-roofed, correctly
modern buildings, almost all of which, in addition to their Modernist
lineage, had one thing in common.
They leaked.


`THE SLOPED-ROOF PEOPLE’

In
a recent conversation, Skip Norton, referring to the stylish dress of a
rival architect, made a disparaging comment about the fellow’s
“double-vented suits.”
His partner Bassetti hadn’t a clue what this
meant. Neither, really, did Norton, who was trying to make a point
about the other architect’s pursuit of current style, which in men’s
suits is marked not by double vents, but by no vents.
These are guys
who have worn the same tweed sport coats for decades, who drive old MGs
and regard reinforced concrete as one of the last worthwhile
innovations. The firm in some ways is hopelessly out of date, which of
course has always been Bassetti’s aim.
To Bassetti and friends, style
implies the temporal, the passing fancy. This is bad in everything, but
especially in big buildings, which are apt to be with us for a while.
Gateway Tower, Bassetti says, might as well be permanent.
In
contemporary design, a continuum runs from the cold intellectualism of
Modernism to the sometimes sloppy, sometimes contrived, sometimes
brilliant kitsch of Post-Modernism, which now occupies the popular
middle ground, to the anarchistic notions of the Deconstructionists.
The
degree to which these styles relate to popular taste ranges from
outright hostility to downright pandering. The temptation to pander is
enhanced by the curious position of the business of architecture. The
architect doesn’t own what he designs. He does not have the freedom of a
sculptor or painter. There are no patrons, only clients.
The
architecture produced at BNMR is not neatly categorized. The partners
were trained mainly in the Modern style, but they have evolved, not
without difficulty, into something else.
The intellectual hold of Modernism was so strong that Bassetti can remember precisely the moment he began to question it:
He
was on the roof of a house he had built for himself in Bellevue. It was
night. It was raining. He was holding a flashlight in one hand, a
bucket of tar in the other. He was wearing pajamas and a raincoat and an
additional cloak of exasperation when the skies opened and something
other than water fell out: This is stupid, he thought. This is
Washington. It rains here. People would not have to get up in the middle
of the night to patch leaks in their roofs if the roofs did not leak.
Flat roofs leak. Hence: Build sloped roofs.
Bassetti had never been
intentionally hostile to the people who would inhabit his buildings. His
first house, for example, had such user-friendly features as a
fireplace mantle set at precisely the height of its owner’s elbow, the
better to lean on at cocktail time. The promise of perfection offered by
Modernism was so powerful, however, that when clients would ask about
the possibility of a flat roof leaking, Bassetti would tell them – and
believe – that technology had solved the problem. Then he’d build the
roof. And it would leak.
He sometimes went to extraordinary lengths
to honor the creed. Before he came to his senses and put a new, pitched
roof on the Hilltop house, he bolted a ladder to an exterior wall so he
wouldn’t have to search for it in the dark when going up top for a
midnight patch job. He was aware that the mounts he manufactured to
secure the ladder, pieces of steel he bent into heretically decorative
shapes, were violations of Modernism, but he went ahead with them,
thinking himself something of a rebel, never realizing that the
absurdity of putting the ladder there at all defined just how tiny his
rebellion was.
“I don’t learn quickly, but, by God, when I finally
do learn something, I don’t forget it,” he says. And from his last wet
night on the roof onward, Bassetti began to think less of architecture
as an imposition of his will on a building and more of it as a process
of solving the particular problems of a particular site and use.
“Keep in mind that the building is a service, has to be usable, congenial to the user,” he says.
Bassetti
can say these things and mean them. He’ll point out his favorite of his
own designs is something as functional as a summer-camp shower house,
then in the next breath begin talking in terms a building’s user hasn’t a
hope of understanding. He will talk about the need for a building to
declare itself, to tell where it is and how it got there, to speak the
truth. He talks, for example, about the columns supporting Gateway as
having a natural vitality not unlike a human hand, all hairy on one side
and smooth on the other, sinewy, blue-veined, with bulging knuckles.
He talks about Gateway’s symbolism:
“The
building is bilaterally symmetrical, like a person. It’s got a sloping
roof. It says about the Northwest it rains here. It says about Seattle
that it’s on a particular location and the hillside slopes down to the
water. The terracing on the top of the building recalls the slope,
stepping down to the water.”
His partner Rekevics says this somewhat less abstrusely.
“We’re all sloped-roof people,” he says. “That’s the way we see.”

THE FENG-SHUI MEN
People have been planning cities almost since there were people and certainly since there were cities.
One
of the first things the Sumerians did after inventing writing 6,000
years ago was use it to invent bureaucracy. Scholars say bureaucracy
could not exist without a medium to transmit its rules. Writing provided
the medium, and among the earliest rules devised within it were
prescribed designs for cities.
At the height of their era, the Greeks
produced Hippodamus, the first great city planner and an early
proponent of what would become a standard urban form – the street grid.
In their day, the Romans, possessors of great military might and a keen
desire to move it about, became transportation experts and as such the
first regional planners.
In ancient China, buildings were not built
without first consulting a scholar whose job it was to discern the
preferential orientation within a city of each building. Practitioners
of this folk science of urban design were called feng-shui men. Feng
shui is based on natural and supernatural signs including topography,
location of nearby bodies of water and position of the stars.
What
often seemed to Westerners mere superstition has gained recent converts
who claim that whatever feng shui’s sources, its application produces
sound design. They say its practice is not all that different from what
we do today. We follow superstitions and call it social science.
The
feng-shui men of Seattle live at 600 Fourth Ave. They are known as city
planners. The planners consult the zoning code, not the stars. The code
sometimes seems as immutable as the firmament, but it has proven wildly
variable over the years.
The planners have entertained jarringly
dissonant visions of the city they were planning. They have codified
height limits, then revoked them; commissioned grand designs of great
civic spaces, then rejected them; restricted the number of parking
spaces downtown, then multiplied them; advocated construction of
awnings, then taxed them; mandated open plazas, then filled them.
In many ways the superstitions of the Chinese geomancers were superior at least in their consistency.
Part
of the reason for this is an unresolved debate at the heart of American
urban life. That debate is between concentration and dispersion, and
between the bewildering benefits and hindrances accompanying both. The
debate in Seattle is nearly as old as the city.
It raged for most of
the first two decades of the 20th century in the form of a dispute over
whether the city ought to build a spacious civic center a mile north of
the central commercial district on Yesler Way or allow commercial forces
to thrust the city up toward the sky.
Seattle city engineer R.H.
Thomson, a man so opposed to heights he even disliked hills – and proved
it by bulldozing Denny Hill, creating the Regrade – pronounced tall
buildings “unwholesome and dangerous.”
Others argued sophistication could be reached only by building up to become the New York of the West.
The
business forces won this early debate and kept the focus of the city
south, expanding north bit by bit over the next 70 years. One unforeseen
result of this piecemeal process is that the city, by the standards of a
good feng-shui man or any other seeker of sunlight, is built backwards,
with the tallest buildings at its southern edge, blocking the sun.
The
debate over density has carried through the years. Occasionally,
building limits were tugged earthward, but seldom did they remain.
Economics, ego and planning assumptions returned to triumph. Their stamp
on the city is the collection of tall buildings in what the planners
call DOC-1, the downtown office core.
The core is 31 full blocks and
parts of six others platted by the city’s early settlers in the middle
of a crescent that curves from south of the Kingdome to the foot of
Queen Anne Hill. The crescent follows the shore of Elliott Bay. Keeping
streets parallel to the bay dictated an irregular street geometry,
defined by separate grids, the avenue and street pattern broken three
“ways,” at Yesler Way, Olive Way and Denny Way.
DOC-1 is most of
the middle grid, from Jefferson to Union streets and from I-5 to Second
Avenue. It is zoned to be the center of the center, the most densely
developed portion of the city.
The city’s zoning is based on the
notion that any given piece of land ought to support buildings of a
prescribed size. The size is defined by bulk. A building could be as
high as construction techniques made possible, providing its total bulk,
or square footage, is within the land’s assigned load.
The formula
for determining the bulk is the “floor area ratio,” commonly called
the FAR. Each commercial district in the city is assigned a base FAR. To
determine the size of a building, a developer need only multiply the
assigned FAR by the dimensions of his land. The product is the amount of
square footage permitted.
The land Herman Sarkowsky owned, upon
which sat two run-down apartment buildings, was a 120-foot by 127-foot
plot, 15,240 square feet. DOC-1, where the land is, had a base FAR of 10
when Sarkowsky bought the property in 1979. Multiplying the FAR times
the size of his plot yielded 152,400 square feet, enough for about a
10-story building.
Whatever Sarkowsky had in mind to build, a
10-story building was not it. The size of American commercial buildings
has generally been related to the price of the land beneath them, and
Sarkowsky’s investment in the property – at this point almost a million
dollars, with other millions committed – was more than he could expect
to recover quickly with a 10-story building. He wanted something bigger.
By manipulating the zoning code, he thought he could get it.
The
code, while restricting capacity of a site, regards site and capacity to
be tethered, not glued. The development rights to a property can be
transferred to any contiguous property. A developer who is able to
secure adjacent rights can pile them atop his existing rights,
multiplying the size of his building.
The old apartments were the
only buildings on Sarkowsky’s block. The remaining three-quarters of the
block was owned by the Washington State Department of Transportation
and trisected by on- and off-ramps to I-5.
Sarkowsky, acting through
James Mason, whom he had hired to help develop his property, had begun
trying to secure the rights to DOT’s land. Mason, a former city planner,
thought the ramps could be turned into tunnels and the lids covering
them could be defined as “land,” which, if leased by Sarkowsky, could
be added to his existing parcel.
“What is land?” is not the sort of
issue the city’s Department of Construction and Land Use was accustomed
to addressing. The process of seeking an answer was somewhat esoteric,
but was resolved by the department’s ultimately straightforward
determination that land, for the purposes of the zoning code, was that
portion of the earth’s surface not covered by water. The freeway ramps,
on most days, were land, meaning they had development rights.
Those
rights could be transferred if DOT desired. After years of discussion,
it did, indeed, desire, especially after negotiating a 77-year,
$747,000-a-year lease.
If the issue – what was land – seemed arcane, its consequences were not.
Leasing
the state land quadrupled the potential size of his building to more
than 600,000 square feet. He was able to acquire almost as much again by
further plying the labyrinth that the city’s zoning code had become.
Seattle
for 25 years has had a system of bonuses that grants developers extra
space if they provide a changing variety of presumed social services
ranging from baby-sitting to bagel stands. In 1980, in a display of
development dexterity that astounded almost everyone, Martin Selig
announced he had achieved sufficient bonuses and development rights to
build a 76-story high-rise on the block south of Sarkowsky’s. He had no
guaranteed tenants and no partner.
Selig had been Seattle’s most
active commercial developer for a decade, but he had been doing most of
his work outside the downtown core.
The results of his announcement
and his subsequent ability to fulfill it were the reordering of both the
private calculations by which developers did business and the public
rules that governed them. Both changes had significant effects on
Sarkowsky.
Selig’s building, Columbia Center, brought 1.4 million
feet of office space into what had been a sleepy rental market. It
forced every other developer to reassess the income prospects for his
own projects. Sarkowsky concluded the market could not simultaneously
absorb his own building and Selig’s. He would have to slow down.
Fortunately, he had an ally at hand – the bureaucracy.
The geological
portion of the environmental impact statement filed with the city for
Gateway Tower goes back in time to the Ice Age when the clay, sand and
glacial till upon which Gateway is built were formed.
Gateway’s file
with the city Department of Construction and Land Use isn’t quite as
old, but it has moved at about the same pace as the glaciers. One
planner who worked on Gateway has had three babies since the file was
opened 10 years ago. The department itself has had four directors, and
the zoning code was radically changed three times.
Gateway Tower,
before its doors can open, will require the issuance of 20 separate
permits, approvals and licenses from the city, county, state and federal
governments.
Bassetti’s staff began going to Department of
Construction and Land Use meetings to discuss a master use permit, an
acknowledgment that a design meets the code, in the spring of 1980.
A
permit was actually granted in 1983, but Sarkowsky’s various delays
slowed the project. By the time he was ready to resume full speed,
Columbia Center had caused people other than developers to re-examine
the city’s office market. Objections to its construction prompted a
rezoning of the downtown office core. Gateway, because it had been under
way before the new rules took effect, was given a partial dispensation
from them. Sarkowsky’s right to build it was grandfathered into law, but
precisely what he could build was not.
Planners required Gateway to
get a second permit, reinterpreting the bonuses it had been granted
under the old code to see how they fit into the new one.
The shotgun
marriage of the two codes often proved absurd, says Rekevics, the
Bassetti partner whose job it was to acquire the permit.
“They had
to bureaucratically realign the system with the building. It gets kind
of ridiculous sometimes. It’s a line on the floor, and on one side of
the line it’s a roof garden and on the other side it’s a plaza.”
Jon
Hall, a former BNMR architect who worked on the permit process, says
the city was particularly emphatic about “adjacency issues,” ensuring
that pedestrians could get to the plazas that the bonus system
encouraged. This was especially difficult because the freeway ramps
sliced through the building’s civic front door on Fifth Avenue. Putting
“lids” over the ramps had raised the project above street level. The
resulting problem was “how to make it seem as though it were street
level when there was no street,” Hall says.
City planners were not
the only people seeking to influence the design. John Hempelmann,
Selig’s attorney, wrote to the city asking without a hint of irony that
Gateway’s permit be denied because it would block the views of Columbia
Center tenants.
At one point, late in the process of seeking the
second permit, agreeing to yet one more city-requested alteration, one
of the BNMR architects scribbled in the margin of the city’s letter,
“My God, let this be the last change.”
In the end, the city granted virtually everything Sarkowsky could have dreamed.
A
series of shopping arcades set in and around a plaza at the building’s
base – shops Bassetti says he would have built regardless of the bonuses
– and a stairway between the plaza and Fifth Avenue would be built. In
exchange, Gateway qualified for bonuses that totaled almost 400,000
square feet. The bonuses came to more than twice the square footage of
the original building allowed by the law. These numbers, while measures
of space, are also measures of money. The top rents in the office
building, when it is finally occupied, are expected to be near $30 a
square foot.
Gateway was growing into a big building. It had leaped on paper to 1,007,490 square feet.
There was only one way to use that much space.
Go up.

THE FOUR-MINUTE MILE
Fred
Bassetti is no special fan of tall buildings. He thinks Seattle has too
many of them. He thinks they create too much shadow and too much
congestion. But he also thinks the commercial life of the city makes the
rest of its varied life possible, and he hungered for the chance to do a
big building.
“I recognize the dichotomy and I wonder have I done a horrible thing,” Bassetti says.
Like
everybody else, Bassetti has to earn a living. Contrary to popular
belief, architecture is not a particularly lucrative profession, “at
least not the way we do it,” he says.
In his best years, Bassetti’s
income has been near $50,000, a good living but a fraction of that
earned by many professionals. A high-rise like Gateway provides a source
of income for an architectural firm for years.
Based on a percentage
of construction cost, BNMR will take in somewhere in the neighborhood
of $5 million on Gateway. This is by far the biggest fee the firm has
ever earned. As a lump sum, it would have been a bonanza, but the firm
has been working on Gateway for 10 years. Often, more than a dozen
architects were devoting all their time to it.
Given the chance,
Bassetti sought to make Gateway as tall as possible. “Make no
mistake,” Bassetti has written. “Height is money.”
A skyscraper’s
owner is selling space and view. The taller the building, the more of
each he has to sell. This means going as high as the law allows.
By
simple calculation, the million square feet would produce a building of
about 50 stories, given a standard floor size of about 20,000 square
feet. This figure is not entirely arbitrary. Tenants prefer it because
it produces reasonably efficient interior spaces.
Efficiency aside, a
floor of 20,000 square feet also provides exterior offices – that is,
views – to all executives. This is not an idle concern for developers.
The executives are the ones who decide where they will rent space. The
floor size was thus set, and if Bassetti wanted more height he would
have to get it by some other means.
He found it in the garage. “I
originally thought of putting the garage underground to get the damned
thing out of the way,” Bassetti says. “But the deeper you go, the
costs increase geometrically. The bottom corner parking stall probably
costs $100,000.”
Bassetti faced the additional complication of the
freeway ramps, which cut through the site at exactly the place where the
garage would naturally have been. Digging under the ramps meant going
even deeper, so to save money, the garage was placed up the sloping site
from the ramps; six of its 12 stories are above ground.
Bassetti
says this had several serendipitous effects: The partly-above-grade
garage cuts the drive time to the bottom floor in half; it is a buffer
from the freeway; and it pushes the building higher. With the garage, a
seven-story atrium and a health club sandwiched between the ground and
the main portion of the tower, the actual office space does not start
until the 16th floor.
This hoists the top of the building 700 feet
and 62 stories into the air, taller than anything in town except
Columbia Center. Once Bassetti knew how tall the building would be, the
first person he went to see was structural engineer John Skilling. His
firm, Skilling Ward Magnuson Barkshire, has engineered most of the
high-rises in Seattle as well as hundreds of other structures elsewhere:
buildings, bridges, tunnels, towers, runways, hangars, water tanks and
warehouses, something on every populated continent, from projects as
famous as the twin-towered New York World Trade Center to the Yakima
Post Office.
“In nature,” Skilling will say, speaking as if
buildings were indeed natural occurrences, “things like a tree or a
building have good strong foundations.”
Sometimes, Skilling says, an
architect will hand an engineer a building design and say, “Here it
is. Make it stand up.” Bassetti’s approach was the opposite.
“I
asked him what was the strongest, most economical structure for a tall
building. He said steel tubes with concrete pumped into them. That’s
where we ended up,” Bassetti says.
There are four such tubes on
Gateway, each 9 feet in diameter, running more than 600 feet up the
building. The tubes bear most of Gateway’s weight, and are an example of
the sort of ingenuity for which SWMB is famed. The ingeniousness of the
columns lies in their ability to join the advantages and mitigate the
weaknesses of two dissimilar materials – concrete and steel.
Concrete,
which is relatively cheap, has great compressive strength. It will bear
tremendous weight with little deformation. It has, however, less
tensile strength than paper. When bent, it breaks.
Steel, which is
relatively expensive, has much greater tensile strength. It bends, but
its compressive strength per dollar is much less than concrete. If
loaded with too much weight, it buckles. This can be avoided by using
heavier steel to bear more weight, but the cost can grow to be
prohibitive.
If the two could be combined, the material would have
the strengths of both and the weaknesses of neither. Thus, the invention
of reinforced concrete, or concrete with steel rods in it. The great
columns that hold up Gateway operate on the same principle, but with a
special high-strength concrete on the inside surrounded by the
“containment steel.”
The ingenuity rests not on mere technical
expertise. It is based at least as much on cost. Structural engineers,
like architects, don’t eat if their in-baskets are empty. Skilling is a
constant salesman. What he’s selling is his firm’s ability to deliver a
structural plan that will be at least as safe as anyone else can
deliver, and cheaper besides.
There is a sort of four-minute mile in
contemporary high-rise engineering. The goal is to reduce the pounds of
steel per square foot of space in a building (or any structural
substitute converted to the cost of steel). The barrier is 10 pounds per
square foot.
Skilling eagerly distributes a slick graphic displaying
the weight of the steel in every high-rise building in the world for
which he has been able to obtain the information. The weights exceed 40
pounds per square foot in the older buildings. Most of the 118 buildings
on the chart are between 20 and 30 pounds per square foot. In a yellow
band on the chart’s far left are the lightest buildings. Ten of the 11
buildings in that band are Skilling’s. None of the high-rises has
breached the 10-pound barrier yet. None but Skilling’s is close.
Gateway’s
steel weighs 11.5 pounds per square foot, contributing to a total
weight of 129 million pounds. The next-lightest high-rise of equivalent
size is a 63-story building in Tokyo. It’s 28 pounds per square foot.
The
significance of this to a developer is substantial. Steel commonly is
the most expensive single material in a high-rise, as much as a third
the total construction cost. For equivalent load-bearing capacity, steel
can cost more than 20 times as much as high-strength concrete.
There
are fundamentally two types of forces to be addressed in making sure a
building stands up: a vertical force, gravity, which seeks to pull it
down; and lateral forces, wind or earthquakes, which seek to push it
over.
The effects of gravity, because they are constant, are easier
to predict and overcome. The composite columns do most of the work
themselves. The great compressive strength of the concrete allows the
four columns to bear much of Gateway’s total weight directly into a
10-foot-thick concrete foundation.
The lateral forces, because they vary unpredictably, present a greater challenge to an engineer, Skilling says.
At
first it seems unlikely that anything weighing 129 million pounds would
be susceptible to the wind, but that weight is distributed throughout
an extremely large object, most of which is empty. Gateway’s overall
density is slight, nine pounds per cubic foot, the same as balsa wood.
Consider what the wind might do to a 700-foot-long piece of balsa.
Most
of Skilling’s analysis is aimed at engineering comfort. When he won the
contract to engineer the 110-story World Trade Center, he found that no
one had thoroughly studied the discomfort tall buildings inflict on
their inhabitants. Many tall buildings sway several feet. This is much
more likely to upset psyches than the building, but it can become a
significant factor to tenants.
Skilling and architect Minoru Yamasaki
set out to determine at what level of acceleration an occupant feels a
building move. They built a room on a hydraulic pad and advertised free
eye exams. People would come in for their exams, sit in a chair, and
psychologists, hidden behind two-way mirrors, would start moving the
room “in a figure eight, which is how a building moves.”
The
reactions varied dramatically. Some people would complain at the
slightest acceleration. Others would grip their chairs as if they were
riding a tilt-a-whirl, yet never utter a sound. Skilling and the
psychologists eventually established “a threshold of awareness . . . We
determined the rate at which 2 percent of the people seriously objected
and set that as the upper limit.”
To meet this threshold with
Gateway, Skilling designed a simple square with a composite column at
each corner. Joining the columns are a series of steel girders that cut
across each plane of the box on a diagonal once every 10 floors. The
result is a set of six giant X’s stacked from ground to roof.
The
braces tie the columns together, making Gateway extremely rigid for a
high-rise. In the fiercest gale expected to blow in the next century,
Gateway’s top ought to sway about 8 inches, in a 7.5 Richter scale
earthquake about 9 inches.
Because of the wide spread of the large
columns, Bassetti likens the building’s ability to resist wind or
earthquakes to a boxer’s broad stance. He could as easily compare it to a
child’s lead-bottomed punching bag. The columns finish in a
44-million-pound concrete foundation, giving the building the structural
characteristics of the world’s largest Tommee Tippee cup.

THE UNSEEN SPACE
One
of the ways in which structural engineers reduce costs is to reduce
floor-to-floor height. With shorter floors, more of them can be built
for the same cost. This results in either offices with lower ceilings or
a reduction in the space between the ceiling of one floor and the
bottom of the floor above it.
This space is known as an interstice, a space between spaces. It’s Art Sirjord’s office.
Sirjord
is the chief mechanical engineer on Gateway Tower. As in all social
organizations, there is in the development community a hierarchy. At its
top are money people, developers, and idea people, architects. In the
next strata are the structural engineers.
Down several layers,
beneath the glamorous ironworkers and the flashy brokers, not even on a
layer of their own, but sort of threaded through the entire structure,
like their work, unseen, living in the cracks, are the mechanical and
electrical engineers.
They are responsible for heating, lighting,
cooling, plumbing and ventilating high-rises. This is not particle
physics. The systems are well-understood. As Sirjord says, “All you
have to know about plumbing high-rises is the terminal velocity of
falling fecal matter.”
More difficult than designing the systems is
finding a place to put them. The easiest way to hide something in a
building is to bury it beneath the floor, but mechanical systems depend
on gravity to work. They must slope. Thus the battle for the
interstitial space is joined.
“The structural engineer has become so
persuasive on floor-to-floor height because it allows him to reduce the
steel, I don’t think they ever take into account the cost caused by us
having to work in small areas with limited access, beam cutting, simple
inefficiencies,” Sirjord says.
The great shame of what he does, as
Sirjord sees it, is that nobody appreciates it “until something goes
wrong.” Developers will spend millions on grand marble lobbies and
granite facades. They’ll coat elevators in mahogany, but ask for an
extra inch in the interstitial space, and they’ll tell you to forget it.
Gateway
is unusual in that Sirjord won more battles than he lost. In part
because of Bassetti’s taste for problem-solving and his willingness to
sacrifice design options in its service, and because Sarkowsky was
willing to pay for it, Gateway has the most advanced mechanical system
Sirjord has ever put in a high-rise.
The main feature is a separate
ventilation system for each floor that allows occupants to dial in as
much fresh air as they want. The system is capable of 100 percent
fresh-air exchange. Many buildings exchange as little as 5 percent, and
most office occupants live on recycled air. Sirjord’s system was
conceived in response to a phenomenon called “sick building syndrome,”
a condition in which poorly ventilated offices, filled with chemicals
for copying machines, wood glue, paper dust, recycled air and who knows
what-all, have been blamed for inducing illnesses.
The syndrome was
first identified 20 years ago, but little has been done to alleviate it
because it costs money. Proponents say fresh-air systems pay for
themselves with increased efficiencies over time, but developers live on
borrowed money.
“They’re stuck on first costs,” Sirjord says.
“The genius of this system was the willingness of the owner and the
architect to place the mechanical rooms on the outside walls. Most
owners and leasing agents go nuts if you even mention this.”
Many
people in the development community around town think Sarkowsky was nuts
to place a mechanical room on the eastern edge of each floor, in prime
view space. “It’s like giving money away,” one broker says.

THE WHITE PAGE
The design of Gateway Tower began, as Bassetti says design always begins, “with the terror of a white page.”
Gateway’s
page, however, was far from untouched by the time it fell into
Bassetti’s hands. A great deal had been scribbled on it by a wide
variety of hands. The developer’s budget had sliced corners off the
page. The city’s history, planners and politics had filled much of what
remained. The peculiarities of the sloping site itself posed as many
problems as everything else combined.
All of this produced what
several people have described as the most difficult high-rise site in
town. The task of building Gateway – challenging enough in purely
financial terms – grew to require elements of urban reclamation, of
engineering wizardry, of political will and, for the designer if for no
one else, of art.
Bassetti is not an overly modest man, but he was
more than willing to give up large parts of his design to other
concerns. He gave Sirjord the view-blocking mechanical rooms. By placing
half the parking garage above ground, he gave the base of the building
over to automobiles. He proudly gave Skilling’s structure the most
expressive elements of the design.
In many instances, Bassetti sought
to make virtues of necessity. Fighting the freeway ramps at its feet,
Bassetti realized Gateway wouldn’t work as a rectangle. By pulling the
southwest corner of the rectangle back, he escaped the ramps and,
suddenly, Columbia Center wasn’t dead ahead across the street. The view
angled around it to the south. When he pulled back the northwest corner,
the view opened to the north. All four corners were pulled back and
Gateway became an elongated hexagon.
“Please bear in mind,”
Bassetti wrote in one essay on the design, “that everything about
Gateway Tower, where it stands on the site, its size, the materials
used, its shape and appearance and color, have grown out of the process
of problem-solving. Almost nothing is arbitrary.”
There is nonetheless little question that the guiding hand on the not-so-blank page was Bassetti’s own.
Gateway
would become his: a tall building built by a man who dislikes tall
buildings; a skyscraper built in the Post-Modern era by a man who
despises Post-Modernism; a structure elegant in its efficiency, elegant
in the way a mathematical proof is elegant, if not in the more popular
sense of being pretty.
Following BNMR’s normal procedures, Bassetti,
the partner who brought in the work, became the partner-in-charge and
principal designer. Unresolved in-house arguments would have one
solution – Bassetti’s.
Because it was Bassetti’s, Gateway would take
on a certain shape. It would not have a flat roof because the first
house Bassetti ever built for himself had a flat roof that leaked.
Gateway came to have a distinctive arched gable roof that has appeared
in building after building of Bassetti’s design, as if he were trying to
exorcise some flat-topped Modernist demon.
Partner Skip Norton, who
is not enamored of the roof, says the arch was inevitable. It has
followed Bassetti for decades, from the design of a gate for the 1962
World’s Fair (a gate, by the way, that fell over shortly before the fair
was set to open), to the roof of a library in Ellensburg, and now to
Gateway.
At one point Sarkowsky had entered a partnership with The
Koll Co., a Southern California developer. Koll wanted to know if
everybody couldn’t save a few million dollars by flattening the roof.
Bassetti and the Sloped-Roof People were offended.
“Sure,”
Bassetti says, recalling the debate. “You could do this.” He grabs a
pen, draws seven quick lines in the form of a cube and labels it “El
Cheapo.”
Bassetti had determined Gateway would have the arched roof
as its most distinctive feature. He had plans for the roof. It would
form not just a shape but a grand space.
The plumes you see coming
from the tops of most high-rises are typically not caused by furnaces
providing heat but by cooling systems extracting it.
High-rises,
because of their immense sealed glass areas, accumulate heat. The top
two floors of most of them are stuffed with cooling and ventilation
equipment. This is the equipment Sirjord wanted to distribute to each
floor and to the garage.
When Bassetti realized the mechanical
equipment didn’t have to be on the top floors of the building, he was
determined not to let it be.
With the equipment packed off to other
destinations, it became possible to plan offices in the top. These grand
offices, Bassetti decided, would be covered by one of the world’s
largest skylights. He would cover the entire roof of the building in
green glass, the same shade of green as the Washington Mutual Tower’s
pyramid top, “so they can wink at each other across town.” Sarkowsky
thought the idea a little far-fetched. They argued about the roof for
months. Sarkowsky yielded. “Fred’s the kind of guy who’ll say: `I won’t
have my name on it.’ I respect him for that,” he says.
Once
Bassetti had settled on the sloped roof, a roof he says tells an
observer it rains here, he had to decide what to do with the rainwater
the building was talking about.
Most high-rises do not have a problem
with rain. On a high-rise, unlike a house, that is one of the
advantages of a flat roof. Usually, an architect will extend the
exterior walls above the level of the roof. This mock wall, called a
parapet, traps rainwater. The water is funneled into rooftop drains and
carried into the building’s interior plumbing.
“You can hide a
multitude of sins doing that, but it’s rather unexpressive,” Bassetti
says. In any case, on a sloped roof with eaves overhanging the walls,
there was no place to build a parapet.
Martin Selig had faced a
similar problem with his Fourth and Blanchard Building, which is
characterized by sharply angled roof lines. His designers chose to let
the water run off the side. That works fine as long as the water remains
water, but when it turns to ice in winter, it slides off in great
sheets. At times the city has had to close the alley behind the building
to protect pedestrians from the falling ice.
Bassetti didn’t have
the luxury of an alley. Also, his ice would be 700 feet in the air.
Allowing it to fall would turn Columbia Street into a missile range.
That meant he had to carry the water off, and that meant gutters. Oh,
my, did that mean gutters.
Karl Rekevics recalls Bassetti asking how big the gutters should be.
“The
mechanical guy says take an 8-inch tube and cut it in half and that’s
how big it should be.” Bassetti nodded. He made the gutters 5 feet
wide.
They’re precast concrete, and each 18-foot section weighs
13,000 pounds. They look precisely like what the construction workers
call them – pig troughs.
“It doesn’t have to be this size,”
Bassetti admits. “I felt it was important that it have a presence that
shows it does catch all this water.”
As big as the gutters are, it
is difficult to tell what they are from the ground. Sticking out from
the building more than 600 feet in the air, they mark the end of the
roof. The combination of arch and gutters creates a mushroom effect,
forming a cap on the stalk of the tower. Some people are reminded of
something other than mushrooms, however.
Bassetti often talks about
Gateway in feminine terms, likening his design intent to the act of
capturing the natural beauty of an honest woman’s wrinkled face.
But Gateway is hardly feminine. Even Bassetti says it’s a “gutsy, masculine building, don’t you think?”
Masculine,
certainly, although buildings are inevitably criticized as phallic.
Given their nature, it is difficult to escape such a shape. It is
equally difficult to recall another building so much that shape. Jokers
at the construction site have christened the building “Fred’s Last
Erection.”
The tower’s overall shape, whatever it reminds people of,
was determined in large part in response to its site. That is less true
of its color. Unlike almost every other aspect of design, color is a
matter of nearly unlimited choice; and in the case of Gateway, nearly
unlimited debate.
Years ago, Sarkowsky requested a model to display at a Downtown Seattle Association event.
Models
are built endlessly in architects’ offices, usually out of whatever
happens to be on hand. In this instance, that was white cardboard. It
was hard to tell afterward exactly what anyone at the DSA meeting
thought of Bassetti’s building, but one thing was clear. They loved the
cardboard.
Person after person at the meeting came up to Geri Kraft,
who was marketing the building for Sarkowsky, and commented on the
model.
“It’s beautiful,” one said. “It just gleams.”
“Why don’t we have more of these,” said another.
Well,
why don’t we have one, Sarkowsky said. No decision on color had been
made. Bassetti wanted something colorful, not colorless, something to
warm the cool winter skyline. But the white model created a life of its
own. Suddenly, everybody wanted white. The market demanded it.
Bassetti
reluctantly succumbed. An earlier decision had determined the building
would not be a glass box and would be sheathed in stone. So a search for
white stone ensued.
There is, it so happens, a geography to the
color of granite, the most commonly used building stone. Grays tend to
come from the United States, yellows from South America and darker reds
and blacks from Scandinavia. Within those areas, each quarry might have a
different color, depending on the specific mineral content of the
stone.
Patrick Gordon, one of the designers of the Washington Mutual
Tower at 1201 Third Ave., recalls traipsing over half of Brazil looking
for yellow granite for that building. When he finally found it, he
scrambled up the side of the quarry wall and painted out exactly the
sections he wanted.
So the quarries of the world were scoured for Gateway.
“We had rocks here from every part of the planet,” Rekevics says.
There
is, alas, no such thing as white granite. Bassetti was hardly chagrined
to report these findings. “You can get some nice grays that are
marketed as white, but you can’t get white,” he told Sarkowsky and
Kraft.
What about marble then? they asked. Marble comes in white.
There are white marble buildings right here in Seattle. Off Bassetti
went in search of marble, which does, indeed, come in white. But the use
of marble on high-rises, he discovered, has had a somewhat litigious
history. It falls off.
In modern high-rises, exterior walls are not
part of a building’s structure. Called curtain walls, they are
essentially decorative. If stone is used, it is not used in thick
blocks, but is cut into thin strips, normally less than an inch thick,
and attached to the steel structure beneath.
Such thin sheets of
stone expand and contract as they heat and cool. Cooling marble,
however, never fully contracts to its preheated shape. Over thousands of
heating and cooling cycles, this can become a problem. The marble
bulges. If it bulges enough, it cracks. At worst, it falls.
BNMR’s
Norton says the problem could have been solved simply by using white
ceramic tiles. “I’m not a great fan of natural products cut into thin
sheets and hanging 60 stories up in the air,” Norton says. Tiles would
have given the owner a white building while also being, to use
Bassetti’s language, more honest.
There is a suspicion, however, that
for every proposed solution Bassetti would have found a problem. He did
not want a white building. He wanted something warm. He wanted red. And
that is what he got.
Sort of.
A Finnish granite, known
commercially as Cardinal Red, was finally chosen. But even after
Bassetti won the debate, the color continues to bedevil him. Cardinal
Red is not, it turns out, very red. On the building it looks brown.
At
some firms a great deal of effort would have been spent to eliminate
this sort of surprise. Endless color studies would have been done. Photo
collages from every conceivable angle would show the proposed new
building in its surroundings. Some firms use a device called a
magniscope that, by shrinking the viewer’s perspective, allows its user
to view an architectural model as if it were full size.
Bassetti goes
through the same processes but often intuitively, inside his head. He
trusts his instincts and welcomes some surprises, providing as they do a
sort of intellectual entertainment. He recently delighted in an
unforeseen benefit of the building’s freeway neighborhood. The brown
granite picks up thousands of reflections from cars as they move past
it. In the right light, the whole tower sparkles.
This was a surprise
but not entirely an accident. Gateway’s base, given its site, was
naturally distinctive. The green-gabled top was not just distinctive, it
was provocative. Bassetti sought some means to give similar variety to
the main part of the building, the tower. He worked to vary its texture.
As
a result, Gateway’s curtain wall is not a sheer face. Most of the
windows are recessed and have granite sills. The only exceptions are the
windows that front the structural X-braces behind the walls. Bassetti
marked the presence of the braces by bringing these windows flush to the
granite. The flush windows form a pattern of faint X’s, echoing the
braces.
The combination of the flush and recessed windows, the sills,
the brown granite and bronze glass give the walls a faceted surface
intended to catch, fracture and reflect sunlight. That the hundreds of
thousands of cars cruising past the building contribute to this makes
Bassetti almost giddy.
The building — any building, Bassetti says —
is composed of a mountain of such detail and the criticism from
developers that he lacks attention to it infuriates him. Architecture is
all detail, some intended, some not, some chosen, some discovered.


The
green glass is going on the gable this week. Workmen are putting the
last pieces of granite in place and soon the activity will move inside,
where a final rush to finish the building by its spring target date will
commence.
At this point, doubts about Bassetti have been made
irrelevant by the building. Some 20,000 individual drawings were drawn
— a damned fine set of drawings, Bassetti says. From them, a building
— damned fine, as well, he hopes — has been nearly built.
What
might have been a 10-story white marble building with a crew cut sits a
62-story reddish brown tower with a green-glass shower cap, the object
of almost ten years of the most intense effort Bassetti could give it.
He has had his chance to pre-empt space, for a time to play God. But
when done, the building will no longer be his. It will belong to
Sarkowsky who started it, to the banks that underwrote it, but even more
people who didn’t ask for it and might not even want it — the citizens
of Seattle.
Bassetti understands that any judgement of Gateway is
not his to make, but theirs. Architecture in practice amounts to “a
large subtle argument seldom understood,” he says. With a big building,
the resolution to the argument sits off somewhere in the future.
“It’s
like growing your kids up,” Bassetti says. “They’re all wonderful at
six, but at 16? . . . I know there’s going to be plenty of surprises, I
see them everyday. How the hell did that happen? Jesus Christ, how’d
that happen?”



12/17/89
THE SEATTLE TIMES
HIGH RISE — PAYING UP
GATEWAY’S SELLING SPACE WHEN SUPPLY IS SKY-HIGH – AND PRICE IS DIRT-CHEAP
TERRY MCDERMOTT


Coming into Seattle from the south, the collection of tall buildings rising from the Duwamish plain is an imposing sight.
The
land where the first of those buildings sits is part way up an area
once known as Profanity Hill, a name unkindly if not unreasonably
applied by those who had to walk up it from the city center on Yesler
Way. When it is cursed now, it is not for the size of the hill, but for
the size of the buildings upon it.
The 76-story Columbia Seafirst
Center is the tallest man-made object a northbound traveler would have
seen since Los Angeles. Its new eastern neighbor, the 62-story AT&T
Gateway Tower, is not much smaller. In addition to their sheer size,
critics object to the cars, smog, shadow, congestion and wind the fancy
towers bring with them.
Some of these problems of tall buildings
could be eliminated – indeed many of the buildings themselves could be
eliminated – by following some Shakespearean advice: Kill all the
lawyers.
Most high-rise office buildings are filled with
representatives of the professional classes: accountants, insurers,
bankers, brokers and, especially, lawyers.
There are more than 15,000
lawyers in Washington state, twice as many as there were 10 years ago
when neither Columbia Center nor Gateway Tower existed. More than half
of those 15,000 lawyers are here in King County and, according to a
recent census of the downtown Seattle tenant population, law firms rent
nearly a third of all high-rise office space. Among the few things that
have grown as fast as the number of lawyers are places to put them. By
the time Gateway is finished next summer, the supply of office space in
downtown Seattle that was a century in the making will have doubled in a
decade.
The reasons for this are complex and many, but the result
for the people building the space has been singular bedlam. The enormous
growth of office space has outstripped demand, pitting high-rise
developers in a high-stakes competition for tenants and survival.
Columbia
Center and Gateway were conceived at about the same time, and they sit
across the street from one another, but the six-year period between
their construction might as well be an eon for the changes that occurred
within it. They are bookends to an unprecedented era.
LOST IN SPACE
Martin
Selig owns more office space than anyone in Seattle. Depending on where
one draws the boundaries of downtown, he controls as much as a third of
the market, space estimated to be worth a billion dollars. But this
fall, desperate for cash, Selig was forced to sell Columbia Center to
avoid foreclosure proceedings against other properties. And it isn’t
clear that his profits from the $354 million deal will be sufficient to
put him right.
Among other demands, Selig must pay off outstanding
mortgages of $260 million, and he faces a potentially crippling
capital-gains tax payment that, by rough calculation, could be as large
as $90 million. That would leave only $4 million (only?) in after-tax
profit – and New York Life Insurance Co., the lender threatening
foreclosure, is demanding payment of $64 million.
There are those in
the city who think this is only the beginning, that Selig will have to
sell off his empire piece by piece to satisfy creditors.
Others in
the real-estate community are fearful of stomping too hard, yet, on
Selig’s grave, lest he climb out and stomp back, and they tell Selig
stories with a special awe reserved in some societies for deities, which
of course he is in theirs. The picture competitors and brokers paint of
Selig’s style is one of calculated recklessness. Whether Selig recovers
or not, they say, he has no one but himself to blame.
Seattle’s space wars began six years ago when Selig built Columbia Center, then did everything but kidnap tenants to fill it.
A
new, premium office building should rent space for an average of at
least $22 a square foot per year simply to meet mortgage payments, taxes
and operating costs – more if the developer hopes to make a reasonable
operating profit. Selig has rented space in Columbia Center for as
little as $12, according to brokers.
Cerissa Merritt, a commercial
broker with the firm Cushman and Wakefield, recounts one lease
negotiation with Selig in which they had agreed on every point but the
rent. Commercial leases can routinely be scores of pages long,
addressing everything from the brand of carpet to the quality of
wallboard in the bathrooms, so getting down to the rent is a more
significant achievement than it might seem.
Merritt wanted $12.50 a
square foot, and Selig was holding out for $14. Finally, Selig said,
“Let’s flip for it.” Merritt was taken aback, but she agreed.
Selig tossed, looked at the coin and announced, “That just cost me $283,000.”
Merritt burst out laughing.
“What are you laughing at?” Selig said. “You just lost $7,000 in commissions.”
Selig,
despite his reputation for aggressive deal-making, is a notoriously bad
negotiator. He agrees to everything. A prospective tenant will run
through a list of demands, Selig nodding, yes, yes, yes. When the tenant
is done, Selig will peer out over the top of his half-height reading
glasses and say, “Is that it?”
“I must have done something right,” Selig says. “The buildings are all filled up.” Selig says.
Selig’s
business philosophy is simple: Pack the tenants in at whatever rate of
return you can get, and let the banks cover the negative cash flow. His
“profit” is supposed to come as the value of the buildings inflates
over time and he is able to borrow more and more against them. An
acquaintance says Selig once described this strategy as being similar to
that of a heavily indebted Third World nation:
“Get the banks to loan you enough money, they cannot afford to let you fail.”
It
amounts to a sort of pyramid scheme whereby he continues to expand his
base to feed everything above it. He expands his debt, borrowing from
past deals to finance new ones.
The pyramid began to topple, however,
this summer when one of his lenders, New York Life, sued Selig for
attempting to pay mortgages with checks that bounced all the way from
Seattle to Manhattan. Selig publicly maintained the suit was a
misunderstanding in the midst of a loan renegotiation, but in court
documents he has acceded to all of New York Life’s demands. An army of
lawyers and business-school graduates has descended and is combing
through his accounting ledgers in search of whatever crumbs they can
carry off.
Selig remains stoic. He continues to disparage his
competitors, especially those who choose safety by taking on partners,
thereby diluting their risks.
He also continues to deal. Just two
weeks ago he received the city’s blessing to build a new building at
Fourth Avenue and Vine Street.
“Deals walk in here every day,” he says. “In the business I’m in, your money will always run out before your deals do.”
Selig’s
competitors follow his travails with a mixture of regret and glee.
Although they had long forecast his demise, they are sorry to see one of
their kind stumble, if only for what it says about their own chances of
survival. But they greet his temporary absence from the marketplace as a
window of opportunity.
Selig’s aggressiveness has set the terms in the downtown market, and the terms have not been favorable to the developers.
“Martin
went into his war chest to the bottom on every deal,” Merritt says.
Other developers had to match his deals or lose tenants. With Selig
sidelined, they hope to redefine the market. Keith Riely, a veteran
commercial appraiser, wonders if it might not be too late to do that.
Cheap
rents have made the office-building market largely unprofitable, Riely
says. “A building has its best income-producing capacity when it’s new.
When it’s not new, it’s not new. People won’t pay as much to be in it.
“Some of these buildings will never catch up.”
Starting
with Columbia Center in 1984, more than 8 million square feet of
premium office space has been built downtown. In a roundabout way, Selig
created much of his competition. The construction of the 1.4
million-square-foot Columbia Center was greeted unenthusiastically by
many critics who regarded the huge black tower as out of scale with the
city. They led an effort to rezone downtown to restrict further
high-rise development, but three already planned high-rises, were
allowed to proceed under the old rules, provided construction began
within a prescribed period.
All three properties – Herman Sarkowsky’s
Gateway Tower, Unico Properties’ Two Union Square and Prescott
Properties’ Pacific First Centre – met the deadlines. Two Union and
Pacific First opened this year. Gateway is scheduled for completion next
spring.
Additionally, Wright Runstad, another developer, sensed an
opportunity to pre-empt the market and rushed a fourth building,
Washington Mutual Tower, into existence in the hopes of halting at least
two of the other three others – Two Union and Gateway.
The pre-emptive strike backfired. All four buildings were built.
“We
thought the money would be there for two of the buildings, possibly
three. Never four,” says Barbara Dingfield, a Wright Runstad vice
president. “We think somebody’s going to lose an incredible amount of
money.”
“Why we had four buildings go up at once is because we keep
changing the goddamned zoning, and people were trying to protect their
property rights,” says Dick Clotfelter, president of Prescott, which is
rumored now to be facing critical cash-flow shortages.
No one had
anticipated the accumulation of surplus capital, particularly in booming
economies abroad and pension funds at home, that has altered lending
criteria and caused loans to be made that once would never have been
considered.
“It’s my specialty, and I wonder sometimes if I know what’s going on,” Riely says.
Seattle
developers were not unique in their overzealousness. Virtually every
city in the United States has been overbuilt in the last decade, says
Michael Beyard, an analyst with the Urban Land Institute, a national
development association. Such speculative building is hardly new, Beyard
says.
“In the Depression, when the Rockefeller Center was built,
people wondered if there would ever be a market for the space. What is
new is the sheer volume of speculative space in the ’80s. It was caused
by a shift in the ’80s to the service economy and encouraged by the
large quantity of money available. We’ve ended up with speculative
buildings that may never be needed,” Beyard says. “They sort of went
off the deep end.”
`NO HEAVY LIFTING’
As manufacturing employment
has declined in the United States, service employment has increased.
Skyscrapers have replaced lumber mills. This is not entirely bad. As
U.S. Sen. Bob Dole, during his pursuit of the vice presidency, was fond
of saying, “It’s inside work and there’s no heavy lifting.”
If his
choice of profession is any indication, Judge W.H. Bogle was no fan of
heavy lifting, either. Bogle, a lawyer, who so far as anyone can tell
never lifted anything much heavier than the title “judge,” which he
appropriated without the bother of having been one, moved to Seattle in
1897 after a two-year exile in Yakima – having been sent east of the
mountains by his Tacoma physician in search of a cure for consumption.
In the 92 years since he arrived here, his law firm has occupied space
in four buildings, each in its time one of the premier business
addresses in the city.
In the fall of 1986, Bogle and Gates, which by
then was the second-largest and fourth-oldest law firm in town, began
investigating a move from the Bank of California Center upon expiration
of its lease three years hence. Bogle was hardly alone. By the end of
next year, only one of the 10 largest law firms in the city will inhabit
the same building it was in 10 years ago.
The wayfaring nature of those firms contains within it much of the recent history of the American economy.
The
growth of the service economy has been a primary reason law firms in
Seattle are playing hopscotch across the downtown skyline. Although it
sometimes might not seem like it, law firms do not exist to serve their
own purposes. They serve clients and have grown to address the needs of
those clients.
The shift away from manufacturing is one of many
changes that underlie the physical transformation of downtown Seattle.
Urbanization, the growth of new economies in high technology and
medicine, the increase in international trade and general good times
have all caused law firms to grow.
Even manufacturing itself has
played a role. The largest law firm in Seattle not coincidentally has as
its principal client Boeing. As Boeing has grown, so has that firm,
Perkins Coie. Perkins led the charge into new quarters, not just taking
premium space in the Washington Mutual Tower but taking an ownership
stake in the building as well.
Many firms, Bogle included, simply
outgrew their old premises. Just since the firm decided to move from the
Bank of Cal, its needs have grown by a third, and when the firm moved
last month, it took 160,000 feet.
The Bogle partners were not
entirely eager to move. The Bank of Cal was new when the firm moved
there in 1974. Its offices were comfortable, richly appointed, lawyerly
spaces. The Bogle partners liked them so much that at one point they had
tried to buy the building.
The location at Fifth Avenue and Madison
Street in the heart of the traditional financial-government center was
ideal: three blocks from the county courthouse, two from Interstate 5,
just across the street from from the federal courthouse and the Rainier
Club, which had become a kind of second office for many of the lawyers.
This
last consideration seems casual but is the sort of thing that often
plays a crucial role in determining business locations. The firm had
been within the same three-block area for 80 years, and its members had
acquired well-worn favorite places. There was “a lot of psychological
inertia,” says James Tune, who as Bogle’s managing partner was charged
with overseeing the firm’s office arrangements.
Initially, Tune says,
the firm considered a new lease for more space in the Bank of Cal. In
the midst of that investigation, the building was sold. The new owners,
Continental Realty Corp. of New York, wanted Bogle to stay, but their
lease proposal was the most expensive one Bogle received. Bogle could
move to one of the more commodious new buildings and save money.
“I
found it absolutely stunning,” Tune says. The cost, the lack of space
and the need for technological renovation all helped persuade Bogle to
move.
Even with the firm’s misgivings, the expiration of its Bank of
Cal lease was fortuitous. The lease was expiring at a moment unlike any
other in the city’s commercial real-estate history, a time when an
office tenant the size of Bogle could very nearly dictate terms to a
prospective landlord.
“Having made the decision that we weren’t
going to be able to structure a deal with the Bank of California and
were going to move out of that building, then I think it was very clear –
and I think our behavior reflected this – that all things even being
remotely equal, we would move into our client’s building,” Tune says.
All things turned out not to be equal.
The
client was Herman Sarkowsky, Gateway Tower’s developer. Irwin Treiger,
Bogle’s chairman, is one of Sarkowsky’s closest friends. Over 25 years,
Bogle had worked on countless Sarkowsky business deals – his real-estate
investments, his purchase and sale of Frederick & Nelson, the
Egghead Software retail chain in which he is a significant investor,
even Gateway Tower itself.
Over this past Thanksgiving weekend, Bogle
moved into its latest Seattle quarters, the striking blue and alabaster
tower called Two Union Square, owned not by Sarkowsky but by one of his
competitors, Unico Properties. Before moving, Bogle listened to more
than 60 offers and revisions of offers from six different prospective
landlords. The firm was pitched everything from parking stalls to tax
shelters. In the end, they lost a client and signed what is described by
one of the people involved in the negotiations as the best lease in the
history of the city.
THE MARKET
Selig, the zoning laws and
capital surpluses created the supply. The booming local economy created a
demand. Together the two form a market, which, by classic
free-enterprise theory, will at some point reach equilibrium. It hasn’t
happened yet.
Supply has swamped demand. The developers say free
enterprise within the local economy has been corrupted by the revamping
of the zoning laws, forcing them to build when prudently they might
otherwise have not.
Whoever is to blame, there is no question who
benefits: downtown office tenants. The market became so enticing, the
deals so rich, especially for big tenants, many planned moves into new
buildings simply because of what they were offered. Led by Selig,
developers were literally giving away the only thing they had to sell –
space. “Free rent,” despite the oxymoronic nature of the phrase,
became common as long-term leases typically included some initial free
period.
One broker recalls sitting in a negotiation with a developer
when the tenant asked for a period of free rent. The developer said: “I
can’t do that. How about I write you a check for $150,000 instead?”
Such
signing bonuses, which except for their size are equivalent to factory
rebates on new-automobile purchases, were sometimes used as a way around
restrictions a lender might have placed on rents.
“You get into
just pure imagination. . . . The softer the market, the more complicated
the deal,” says Craig Kinzer, a broker with the Norman Co., which
Bogle hired to help it find new space. In a hard market, developers say,
here’s the rent, here’s what you get.
Kinzer says the market was
driven by the excess supply. “Maybe tenants that wouldn’t have thought
to move, or wouldn’t have thought to expand, began to be lured into the
promised land by all these developers,” he says.
The deals fed upon themselves, encouraged by the circulation of what Kinzer calls “cocktail rents.”
Accountant
Jones, for example, might ask Lawyer Chang what his firm is paying for
the three floors it is about to lease in the Bothell Bank World
Headquarters. Chang says $24 a square foot. Jones is incredulous.
“You’re paying 24 bucks in that fleabag? We’re only paying 16 in the new, gold-plated Atlantic West Tower.”
Rents
are a complicated subject. They are typically scaled to increase
dramatically over the length of a lease and up the height of a building.
A quoted rate might or might not reflect cash inducements; it might or
might not include free parking, lavish interior finishes, renewal
options or guaranteed expansion space.
These complexities
notwithstanding, the next day Chang, unaware that Jones is in the
basement of the Atlantic Tower subleasing uncarpeted space with a view
of the garage, is on the phone to his broker, wanting to know why Jones
is only paying $16 a square foot.
Developers went to elaborate
lengths to sell their buildings, courting the tenants and the brokerage
community at breakfasts, lunches, dinners and cocktail parties, giving
gifts, presentations and tours. Some built lavish marketing centers with
huge models and video presentations.
They also went to elaborate
lengths to denigrate the competition. If a law firm was looking at
Pacific First Centre, which is in the retail center of downtown, Selig
would say, “Do you really want to be in the garment district? In turn,
everyone questioned Selig’s financial stability. And if some prospective
tenant said he was thinking of moving to Gateway, a competitor might
ask when, “Do you really think it will actually get built?”
Competitors
did such a masterful job of introducing Gateway into the market as
“the building behind Columbia Center” that some prospective tenants
are surprised, once they tour the building, that the entire western
horizon isn’t blacked out. Karlis Rekevics, one of Gateway’s architects,
says designers were forced to find a way to make their building “a
little different than everyone else. It becomes marketing.”
“We
agonized over what would make Gateway unique,” he said. “So Fred
(Bassetti) cut a notch out (of the top), and I said, `Well, why do you
have to mutilate something to make it unique?’ Moshe Dayan had one eye,
but that wasn’t what made him unique. And he didn’t cut his own eye
out.”
Gerry Gerron, designer of Pacific First Centre, says
architects and developers “construct a series of little edges.” First
Interstate Center, for example, was the first high-rise in town to have
granite counters in the restrooms. “Formica obviously makes much less a
statement,” Gerron says.
Obviously. If you didn’t have granite johns, you might as well have had outhouses.
This
little series of edges is examined in great detail by prospective
tenants, or by brokers on their behalf, and developers build their
buildings knowing they have to pass those tests. Gateway’s marketing
people stress the building’s efficiency, it’s distinctive glass-roofed
design and amenities that include an athletic club and conference
center.
Dave Cortelyou, chief operating officer of Unico, says the
design of Two Union Square was “market-driven entirely,” based in part
on the results of a survey of Unico tenants. It is hard to imagine any
tenant telling Cortelyou she wanted a blue and alabaster building shaped
like a Bic lighter with yellow stripes down the side. And, in fact,
none did; but many expressed a desire for diversity, and thus the color
scheme was chosen. They also said they liked as many corner offices per
floor as possible, and a typical floor in Two Union has 10 of them.
“There
is an impact of keeping the corners open,” says Don Covey, Unico’s
president. “Who makes decisions about renting office space? It’s the
people who are in the corner offices.”
FILLING IT UP
A
63-year-old neophyte in the high-rise development business, Sarkowsky
admits to sort of wandering into this arena without any clear ambition
or plan other than to diversify his investment portfolio.
He had
spent 25 years as a builder of homes and small commercial properties
before leaving the development business in 1974. He has since shown
remarkable instincts as a broadly based investor in everything from
stocks and bonds to Thoroughbreds and linebackers. He acquired the site
Gateway Tower is being built on at Sixth Avenue and Columbia Street as
part of a deal to salvage one of his rare bad investments. With it he
also acquired more headaches than he had ever imagined.
Low-income-housing advocates picketed his house. Banks shied from his
project. Friends snickered he had gotten in over his head.
To a
certain extent, he agrees. He began spooning money into the project in
1979, and the spoons soon turned to shovels. Eventually, he had sunk
almost $20 million into what at that point was a parking lot leased to
Joe Diamond. The money, spent on the land, low-income housing
replacements, lawyers, architects, plans and permits, forced Sarkowsky
to build the building.
“Sometimes,” he says, “buildings are built
because that’s the only way the developer can get his money back.”
Getting that money back was delayed greatly by the difficulty Sarkowsky
had finding financing for the project. The financing, in turn, was
difficult to find because the project had no tenants.
Commercial
lenders typically require at least a quarter of the space in a building,
and sometimes as much as 40 percent, be leased before they commit to a
project. Rent is the only income a high-rise has, and without tenants a
lender risks not getting paid.
Geraldine Kraft, a broker Sarkowsky
hired to help develop and lease Gateway, says Sarkowsky had no
enthusiasm or special talent for selling the building.
“Herman would
do only what he had to. He had no feel for it and no desire to do it,”
she says. She cites as an example a dinner presentation she had
arranged for Lane Powell Moss & Miller, a law firm.
“I had
reserved the Rainier Club from 5 to 7. All the (law) partners were going
to be there. It had been set up for weeks. That afternoon Sarkowsky
says, `Well, how long do I have to stay? Can I be home by 6 because
we’re having company for dinner?’ ”
“We always seemed like a
mom-and-pop operation,” Kraft recalls. “One presentation with Fred
Bassetti (the lead architect) had Fred up there with a sample of the red
granite when the marketing materials still showed it as a white
building.”
Sarkowsky showed somewhat more enthusiasm when Kraft was
courting AT&T. The communications giant wanted to consolidate
operations it had scattered in four locations. The company was looking
for 125,000 square feet, which would amount to a sixth of the office
floors at Gateway.
“In a new building, somebody who rents 1,500 feet
has no clout,” says Jack Emick, a partner in Emick/Howard, a local
space-planning and design firm. “When you get around 4,000 feet, the
whole world changes. It changes again at about 8,000 feet, changes again
when you get full-floor tenants (13,000 to 20,000).”
Tenants the
size of AT&T are not even in the same universe. Called anchor
tenants, they legitimize projects and in many cases give lenders the
assurance they want to lend money. AT&T looked at five buildings in
Seattle: Gateway, Columbia Seafirst Center, Washington Mutual Tower,
Pacific First Centre and Two Union Square.
One of the things the
company was looking for was a building that could wear its name. Since
Columbia Center already had a name tenant, Seafirst, it was quickly
eliminated. Washington Mutual Tower, which at that time was known as
1201 Third Avenue, was eliminated in part because AT&T wanted what
is known as an enhanced lease, the ability to share in the ownership of
the building, and 1201’s anchor tenant, Perkins Coie, had already
extracted that benefit from developer Wright Runstad.
Two Union
Square had given away nothing, and it had no tenants. It demonstrated
why not in its proposal to AT&T. Unico, the developer of Two Union,
had for three decades managed the Metropolitan Tract, a 10-acre parcel
in the middle of downtown owned by the University of Washington. For 40
years, Unico did not own properties, it managed them. And when the
company decided to begin developing properties outside the tract,
competitors say, it was slow to catch up to the competitive realities of
the times.
The AT&T competition narrowed to Gateway and Pacific
First Centre (then known as Stimson Center). AT&T liked Gateway’s
location adjacent to Interstate 5, which it saw as both convenient and a
significant advertising benefit. Gateway also made the best – that is,
cheapest – proposal, according to Tom Schiable, an AT&T vice
president.
According to information compiled from various sources,
AT&T was given rent at an initial average cost of about $17 a square
foot, the right to a share in the profits of the building if it is sold
(or a straight cash payment one competitor estimated at $6 million if
the building is not sold within nine years), and a $600,000 cash bonus
to sign the lease. The company was also given the right to put its name
on the project.
AT&T, Schiable says, made a heckuva deal. “Fortunately for us,” he says, “we usually do.”
COURTING A LAW FIRM
Bogle
and Gates’ 72 partners were well aware of the activity whirling around
them. You couldn’t spend 10 minutes at the Rainier Club without somebody
talking about some new deal. The firm began receiving unsolicited
offers from Gateway and Two Union Square in the summer of 1986, three
years before its Bank of Cal lease expired.
The Seattle real-estate
market had functioned as an old boys’ network for generations. In the
pre-Selig era, personal relationships had predominated, so it was not
out of the ordinary for Sarkowsky to pick up the phone, as he did in
February 1987, and call his friend and lawyer, Irwin Treiger, to ask
what it would take to get Treiger’s firm as a tenant.
Kraft,
Sarkowsky’s broker, had been pursuing Bogle and Gates for six months
without progress. The call from Sarkowsky was an attempt to
short-circuit the courtship and move directly to an arranged marriage.
“We
never assumed it was automatic,” Kraft says. “We knew the deal had to
be competitive. We started out strong and it deteriorated. It wasn’t
handled real well on our part.
“Herman had a relationship with
certain members of the firm, but there was a group of young Turks who he
didn’t even know. Treiger early on presented the case for Gateway: The
firm should, because of the relationship, move there unless there’s some
significant reason why not. That’s the way the deal started out.
“But
Bogle knew all the problems because it was handling all the legal work
for the building. They knew all the problems with the financing.”
Gateway
might have seemed like a mom-and-pop operation to Kraft largely because
it was. While other developers were producing videos extolling their
products, Gateway’s marketing center was a room with blank walls up
until this summer. Sarkowsky says he was never particularly worried
about the marketing. He was more concerned with getting the building
built.
For more than a decade, Sarkowsky Investments’ payroll
consisted of Sarkowsky, a secretary, a bookkeeper and at most one or two
others. It is not a development organization, and Sarkowsky did not
intend it to become one.
Recognizing that he had never undertaken
anything the magnitude – in size or value – of a skyscraper, Sarkowsky
recruited as partners First City Development of Canada and Kumagai Gumi
of Japan. First City’s job was to obtain financing and to market the
building. Kumagai’s was to build it.
By the time they entered the
project, it was clear to everyone involved that Gateway, if built, would
enter a tough market. Despite the growth in the local economy, says
Jack Shaffer, a New York investment banker who helped put the Gateway
partnership together, “you are a one-industry city. Your second-biggest
industry is what, a university?”
“But what you’ve got here is staying power, which is what you need.”
The
staying power Shaffer refers to are the deep pockets of the partners.
First City is controlled by the Belzbergs, one of the wealthiest
families in North America, and Kumagai is the sixth-largest general
contracting-development company in the world. With Sarkowsky, they
combined to contribute $30 million to the project, a commitment
sufficient to persuade a consortium of Canadian, American and Japanese
banks to lend them $165 million. The total $195 million is supposed to
be sufficient to build the building, market it, pay interest on the loan
and cover operating losses until the building is filled with tenants.
This is anticipated to be a five- to seven-year process, and at times it seems the partnership intends to use every day of it.
Gateway’s
problems notwithstanding, Bogle’s leadership agreed with Treiger.
Unless there was a compelling reason to go elsewhere, they would move to
Gateway. With the Norman Co.’s assistance, Bogle developed what it
called an “acceptable offer,” an estimate of the type of deal that
could be struck in the market. It was “aggressive, but not
ridiculous,” Kinzer, Bogle’s broker, says.
If Sarkowsky would agree
to it, Bogle, without soliciting offers from anyone else, was his. Bogle
detailed Jim Norman, the Norman Co.’s president, to present the offer
to Neil Hokonson, First City’s representative in the Gateway ownership.
Norman got “half, maybe a third of the way” through his presentation
when Hokonson told him he had heard enough. The “acceptable offer” was
ridiculous, Hokonson told him.
Fine, Norman said. Bogle would “go to the market.”
Fine, Hokonson said. See you there.
Bogle
then set about soliciting proposals from a half dozen different
developers, including Sarkowsky. An exhaustive Norman Co. analysis of
the offers, festooned with computer modeling, charts and graphs, cut the
list of buildings to three – Gateway, Two Union and Pacific First
Centre.
Pacific First was rated the best deal financially, but the
space Bogle would take in the building was beneath that occupied by Lane
Powell, another large law firm. This didn’t sit well with some partners
who disliked the image of being below another firm. Also, Pacific
First’s views were not as good as the two others, and any future Bogle
expansion within the building would require renting space on a separate
elevator bank, an inefficient arrangement.
View is not an irrelevant
consideration. Building rents typically increase from a quarter to 50
cents a square foot for each floor as one goes up in a building. As a
result, Covey says, “any building generally leases from the top down
and the bottom up. The middle floors are last to lease. People are
either price-conscious or view-conscious.”
Bogle was both. Since
none of the three buildings was actually built at the time of the
negotiations, Kinzer hired photographers and chartered helicopters to
hover above each site at precisely the altitude of Bogle’s floors. Then
he began to negotiate high-rise views at low-rise rents.
Two Union,
which was offering the top floors in the building, had the best views, a
virtually unobstructed 360-degree panorama. The building was rated
about equal with Gateway on several other subjective measurements, but
Gateway’s financial package was somewhat better, Tune says. That, plus
the fact that Sarkowsky was “a valued friend and a valued client,” led
a committee of Bogle’s senior partners to recommend signing a letter of
intent with Gateway.
The full partnership of the firm met on a rainy
Saturday morning in December 1987, and debated the recommendation for
six hours. In a vote weighted according to the number of shares in the
firm each partner owned, the partners narrowly endorsed the
recommendation and instructed Tune to draft a letter of intent with
Gateway, provided Gateway could assure the firm the building would be
done by the end of November 1989, when Bogle’s Bank of Cal lease
expired. Failing that, Gateway would have to guarantee it would cover
any costs Bogle would incur in extending its lease.
“This was the
first time we began putting things in writing for Herman,” Tune says.
“We’re talking about big, big dollars that would impact us.”
Big
dollars, indeed. The total value of the leases Bogle was negotiating,
with renewal options up to 20 years, was in excess of $75 million.
Sarkowsky was happy to receive the news from Tune but was displeased by a
phrase that said Bogle would proceed with him “absent a material
change” in any other offers.
“When you think you have a deal and
the guy says, `Let’s get a letter of intent drafted,’ and then the
letter of intent, the last paragraph, says we reserve the right to look
at any other deal provided there’s enough of a difference. I should have
never gone along with it,” Sarkowsky says.
“That’s like a guy
going out to bid and saying my bid is one dollar lower than the lowest
bid you’re going to get. Why bother? . . . It seemed to me that they
were going through the process without any real class. I thought it was a
lousy exhibition of how you do these things, and I helped the process
and I never should have. And I kick myself for that.”
Three weeks
later, a material change did in fact occur. Two Union, which at this
point was still looking for its first tenant, revised its proposal,
offering what the real-estate grapevine said was a huge cash payment and
an unheard-of 15 years of free parking.
The new offer got Bogle’s
attention, and Tune scheduled another partnership meeting to discuss it.
Politicking within the firm was intense. Senior members exerted strong
pressure to go with Sarkowsky. A lot of the junior partners weren’t so
convinced. They didn’t know him, didn’t much like his building and
thought free parking for most of their careers wasn’t a bad idea. Once
again, however, the vote favored Sarkowsky. But this time the condition
that Sarkowsky provide assurance on the Bank of Cal lease was worded
even more strongly. The vote was held Feb. 29, 1988, and it was clear by
this point that Gateway would not be finished in time to meet their
move-out date.
A week later Tune met with Sarkowsky, who reviewed
and, Tune thought, agreed to the terms. On March 11, Tune met for the
first time with Hokonson.
“I came out of that meeting a bit shaken,
and I was shaken because for the first time I heard someone say to me,
`Well, gee, we’re not sure we can offer you that sort of assurance on
the Bank of California lease,’ ” Tune says.
“I guess my view is
that perhaps Neil felt that the general terms that had been discussed
were discussions, and everything was still up to be negotiated. Whereas,
what I had in fact presented to our partners was what I had perceived
to be a fairly solid deal that had been negotiated.”
A month later,
still not having gotten what it perceived to be satisfactory assurance
on the Bank of Cal lease, Bogle through Norman reopened negotiations
with Unico about Two Union. At this point, Bogle began negotiating
directly with the developers’ banks, seeking assurances on the Bank of
Cal lease. The Bank of Montreal, Gateway’s lender, never agreed. Two
weeks later, on April 25, Bogle and Unico signed a letter of intent to
draft a lease.
Gateway’s final proposal to Bogle was actually a
somewhat better deal for Bogle than Bogle’s “acceptable offer”
proposal made a year earlier. Gateway had moved millions of dollars in
that year, but by the time they arrived, it was too late.
Bogle was gone and Sarkowsky was left at the altar.
`OUT OF LEFT FIELD’
Jack
Shaffer, Sarkowsky’s investment banker, says, initially not intending
it as a compliment, that Hokonson uses “accounting techniques on a deal
that’s emotional.” Shaffer then ponders for a moment and adds: “But
it’s a good thing. He became the mortar that held the bricks together.”
Hokonson
is an accountant by training. He does not attempt to paint himself as
anything other than cold-blooded when it comes to real estate.
“Success
is the ability to define risk and return and to structure a deal that
will deliver it,” he says. “I try to take the emotion out of real
estate altogether. It’s a business to me. Real estate just happens to be
the medium.”
Some who have negotiated with Hokonson say there is
very little negotiation involved. He sets a deal in his mind, then
refuses to budge, they say. One person who has done other business with
First City says Hokonson is simply doing his masters’ bidding.
“The
Belzbergs are not that easy to deal with,” this person says. “You say
you want a dime, OK, here’s a dime. Then they say, `What we really meant
was we want 12 cents.’ So you give them 12 cents. They say, `Actually,
what we meant was 15 cents.’ ”
In a sense, Sarkowsky didn’t lose
Bogle to Unico. He lost them to Selig, who had defined a market Hokonson
refused to deal in. But what Selig took away, he also gave back.
If,
as Woody Allen says, 90 percent of greatness is showing up, Curt Ghan,
Gateway’s marketing director, did a helluva job of coming to work last
Feb. 21.
Ghan received a letter that day from Cerissa Merritt, the
Cushman and Wakefield broker, who said she had a client with, as they
say, “a large requirement,” 100,000 square feet.
“We didn’t know
who it was and couldn’t figure it out,” Ghan says. A week later Ghan
was giving Merritt and her client, Key Bank, a tour of Gateway.
“Key Bank,” Ghan thought. “Nah, they’re not moving. They’ve got a building named after them.”
Key
Bank is the anchor tenant in a Martin Selig building, Key Tower, built
expressly for the Seattle Trust bank on Second Avenue three years ago.
Before Seattle Trust ever moved in, it was purchased by Key Bank of New
York, which inherited the lease Seattle Trust had signed with Selig. The
lease called for the bank to pay $25 a square foot, which its new
officers thought was too much. The lease was written as a five-year
commitment with options to renew for up to 30 years.
Selig admits the
rent is above market rates but says he and the bank agreed to
above-market rent as a means of offsetting Selig’s purchase of the
property on which the high-rise was built. He says he had an oral
agreement with Seattle Trust that the renewals were mere formalities. He
threatened to sue the bank if it failed to exercise its first renewal.
What
Selig did not tell Key officers was that he had developed acute
cash-flow problems and for the first time was going to sell one of his
high-rises. Key Tower, fully leased at high rents, was an excellent
candidate. Japanese buyers, in fact, came to town to investigate the
building.
When Key Bank went through with its threat to look for other space, the buyers fled town and Selig sued.
Within
a month of the lawsuit, Gateway’s new lawyers – not Bogle and Gates –
were drawing up a Key Bank lease. The key to the deal, Merritt says, was
Sarkowsky. Key Bank officers felt wounded by Selig’s treatment.
“They
needed a little romance,” she says. “Herman’s personality really
solidified the deal. The bank needed a personality. They felt abused.”
“Key
Bank came out of left field,” Ghan says. “I didn’t really think they
were moving and wasn’t making an active marketing effort. . . . I guess
I’m an optimist or I wouldn’t be doing this, but after we signed Key, I
thought: If we hadn’t gotten them, who would we have gotten? Who’s left
out there?”
Rob Swartz, a broker with Coldwell Banker, says the real art of selling space is in knowing the market.
“The
guy who meets the market soonest is the guy who makes the deal,” he
says. He recalls Daon, a Canadian development company, trying to resist
the downward slide of rents. When presented with lease proposals tenants
were getting from Selig, Daon representatives “kept sitting there
saying, `Selig’s crazy.’ Every time he made another deal, they’d say,
`Selig’s crazy.’ Well, he might be crazy, but they’re the ones who went
broke, sitting there not making deals.”
Daon didn’t actually go
broke, but it accumulated huge debts and eventually sold its major
office projects here at what is presumed to be a loss. Of course, the
Daon representatives might also have been right about Selig, whose
wheeling and dealing, given his current circumstances, does not seem to
have made much economic sense.
Hokonson, too, might be right. With
recently enacted limits on the amount of new office space that can be
built downtown, Gateway might be the last high-rise to be built for some
time. It might, through a combination of luck and courage, have
weathered the glut and be perfectly situated in the market.
On the
other hand, the same thing that happened after the 1985 rezoning could
happen again. Before another rezoning earlier this year, another group
of buildings was allowed to proceed under the old rules. They could all
be rushed into the market not because of demand, but to protect
development rights.
But with all this other space still available, lenders wouldn’t give anybody money to build more, would they?
The
new zoning laws allow only a certain amount of new downtown office
space to be built each year. Early this month, the city made the award
of that space for the first year under the new law to Martin Selig.
With all of his problems and all this other space available, lenders wouldn’t give him the money to build, would they?
Would they?
03/25/90
THE SEATTLE TIMES
HIGH RISE — STICKS AND STONES
WHEN A TOWER GOES UP, RISK IS AS SUBSTANTIAL
TERRY MCDERMOTT

Rocks can freeze, Italian longshoremen can strike, Burmese rebels
agitate, interest rates rise, partnerships disintegrate, steel shrink,
concrete crack, and parts of bodies become separated from their owners.
All these things can happen and, in fact, did in the course of
building the 62-story AT&T Gateway Tower at Fifth Avenue and Columbia
Street in downtown Seattle.
The range of risks encountered in building a skyscraper is
instructive. Each risk, when realized, has some cost, and each cost is
unevenly distributed.
For example, Herman Sarkowsky, developer of Gateway, did not
pay much attention one sunny day last summer when Spuds Cline, an
ironworker, got a finger caught between two pieces of steel. When the
steel moved and the finger wouldn’t, Cline lost part of it.
Cline cared a great deal about the finger, but wasn’t
particularly worried about the effect the collapse of the Japanese
stock market might have on interest rates, a process Sarkowsky follows
keenly.
To Sarkowsky, cost is financial, a function of time or
materials. To construction workers like Cline, cost is more personal.
“How many jobs,” asks Jon Hagwood, Gateway’s construction
superintendent, “do you drive to work in the morning where you might
not come back at night?”
Construction is governed by the interplay of cost, risk and
responsibility. Builders try to estimate the first, contain the second
and assign the third.
As in much of life, it is easier in construction to be assigned
responsibility for failure than for success.
“Construction,” says Fred Bassetti, architect of Gateway, “is
largely a matter of figuring out who to blame.”

MYSTERY IN THE EARTH

The Sears Tower in Chicago, at 1,454 feet, has been the tallest
building in the world for 16 years. This is not because no one knows
how to build a bigger one.
Engineers confidently predict they could build structures twice
that height, buildings soaring (or looming, depending on one’s
perspective) more than half a mile into the air.
Given this dazzling technical virtuosity, there is to the
outsider a perverse comfort in learning that the people who build tall
buildings face a fundamental uncertainty when they undertake their most
rudimentary task: digging holes.
In some sense, they say, taking the ground apart is more
difficult than putting a building together. A builder’s risk is
greatest “anytime you’re trying to anticipate costs you can’t see,”
says Rick Redman, president of Sellen Construction, one of Seattle’s
largest construction companies.
Soils engineers, taking into account local geology and
history, try to foresee what will happen when holes are dug, but the
earth is dark and hides its secrets well.
“Dealing with soil is unlike dealing with steel or concrete or
other materials engineers are accustomed to using,” says Paul Grant, a
local soils engineer. “Steel, for example, can be made uniformly to
whatever strength you desire. That’s not true with soils. They may vary
from spot to spot. Or be layered.”
“You find things you didn’t know,” says Dick Clotfelter, a
local developer. “You can get a fixed maximum (price) on materials.
Not on the ground.”
The risk of digging is exaggerated by its place at the head of
the construction schedule.
“If we screw around with the hole, we back up the whole job,”
says Bruce Hanson, the man who did Gateway’s excavation.

THE EARTH MOVES

In most places on the planet where anyone would be tempted to build
anything tall, the surface of the earth has been hardened by time and
activity into a crust. People seldom know how deep or how even this
crust is or what will happen when it is removed.
They know, broadly speaking, what sorts of things can happen
when they dig. They also know that most of them are bad.
The first category of bad things involves the movement of the
earth. Cutting the crust can and often does release the material
beneath it, and that material, once the dirt above it is removed,
rises, or, as engineers say, rebounds.
Imagine at the extreme a jack-in-the-box. The crust of the
earth functions like the lid of the box, compressing the spring beneath
it. When it is opened, the spring rebounds. The earth never moves quite
that suddenly, but in some areas its movement is significant. In the
Mississippi delta regions of Louisiana, for example, the soil is
notably expansive, and when you dig in it, “it just keeps on coming
out,” says John Skilling, a Seattle structural engineer.
Sometimes the earth moves in other directions. Cutting the
crust releases pressure, and as the pressure escapes, the soils sink
and slide along the lines of previously existing, but unseen, fissures.
For example, when Interstate 5 was built in downtown Seattle in
the 1960s, the trench built through the city cut across several of
these fissures. Numerous buildings adjacent to the excavation moved
toward it. When the excavation for the Seattle Municipal Services
Building was dug in 1961, the adjacent portions of Fifth Avenue moved
down – that is, the street collapsed.
Sometimes, when the engineers have been smart or lucky, or
both, nothing happens when they dig. The earth stands still. They have
not at this point, however, escaped danger entirely. Even when the
earth itself doesn’t give them problems, things that other people have
put there do: sewer lines, water mains, gas pipes, foundations of old
buildings, tunnels, graves, artifacts, even, in one notable case in San
Francisco, a ship.
In some areas – New York City, for instance – archaeologists
are often assigned to excavation crews to ensure that valuable
artifacts are recognized as such. Some excavations have been halted for
months while historians puzzled over what was uncovered.
Seattle, a much younger city, does not have so much of its
history buried, but encounters with the past are not unheard of. When
the site for the Washington Mutual Tower at 1201 Third Ave. was being
excavated, crews were slowed when they ran into the foundation of a
building no one knew had been there. They never were able to figure out
what it was.
The soils of downtown Seattle range from sands and gravels,
which Grant classifies as “pretty good actors,” to a variety of
clays. The worst of these clays are fractured into large clumps, and
the individual pieces have extremely slick – both in appearance and
behavior – sides. Thus they are called slickensides and can be, Grant
says, “very bad actors.”
An analysis of the site for Gateway predicted that the “major
portion of the excavation should expose glacially preconsolidated
fine-grained soils . . . a clay layer 60-80 feet deep, underlain by
dense sand and glacial till.”
That was the scientific description. Bruce Hanson is a dirt
guy, not a scientist. He digs holes for a living, and this gives him a
distinctive world view. Most of the people involved in building Gateway
Tower view Columbia Seafirst Center, immediately across Fifth Avenue,
as an obstruction, a mammoth object in the western sky.
Hanson sees it as “the hole across the street.” That hole,
the biggest he has ever dug, contained 240,000 cubic yards of dirt.
Making such a hole involves two activities: digging dirt and
ensuring the dirt stays dug. These are known in the business as
excavating and shoring. As the excavator digs, the shoring contractor
builds a wall of steel piles and wood planks, known as lagging. This
shoring prevents dirt from falling into the hole.
As a rule, says John Battle, the Gateway project manager, “the
dirt guy and the shoring guy hate each other.” Hate might be too
strong a word, but they certainly have different perspectives.
Consider sand. Hanson loves it: It’s easy to dig, doesn’t stick
to his equipment and, best of all, he can usually find somebody to buy
it after he digs it.
Russ Podmayer hates sand. Podmayer, vice president of drilling
operations for DBM, the Federal Way contractor that handled the shoring
on Gateway, says sand simply won’t stay out of a hole. Now clay,
there’s good dirt, Podmayer says.
“It’s almost like drilling in heaven,” he says.
“It’s like digging in shit,” Hanson says. “It sticks in the
bucket. Sticks in the shovel. Sticks to the wheels. The city’s on your
back because you got to keep the streets clean. Nobody wants to buy
it.”
As they chase each other down the hole, each dependent on the
other, the digger and the shorer constantly get in each other’s way.
“In a small hole, it can get tight,” Hanson says. “Every
damned shoring contractor seems to bring every damned thing they can
find down into the hole – an 80-foot auger, which is always in the way,
forklifts, backhoes, everything they can find.”
The auger is used to drill what are called tiebacks. To keep
the shoring wall from collapsing, the shoring contractor drills up to
80 feet laterally into the sides of the excavation. He inserts a steel
cable into the hole he has drilled and pumps concrete in to surround
the cable. Friction between the concrete and the surrounding earth
holds the cable in place. The cable is pulled tight and clamped to the
wall. The cable counteracts the tendency of the earth to push the wall
into the hole. The wall holds the earth. The tiebacks hold the wall.
Hundreds of tiebacks might be made around an excavation.
Because they are often drilled in heavily developed areas, usually
under streets and other buildings, the driller runs a constant risk of
hitting things. On the Washington Mutual Tower, the shoring contractor
drilled into a sewer line. He discovered it only after pumping the
sewer full of concrete, backing up toilets all over the neighborhood.
Besides drilling into things, the driller runs the risk of
drilling into nothing. Keith Miller of the city engineer’s office
recalls being called out to the site of the excavation for First
Interstate Center just after rush hour one morning in 1982. The
contractor had inadvertently punched a hole in the sidewalk and found
empty space underneath.
He had earlier been drilling tiebacks into pea gravel under
Third Avenue. Unbeknownst to the drill operator, as the gravel was
augered out of the drill-hole, more would fall into its place. As long
as material kept coming out, the driller kept drilling.
Miller wanted to look closer to see how big a hole had been
drilled. He lowered himself down through the sidewalk. And disappeared.
He found himself walking through a cavern underneath Third Avenue,
wondering when the next Metro bus was due and just what the hell would
keep it from joining him in the hole.
The drilling had removed all of the dirt beneath the street,
which was kept from collapsing only by the utility pipes bridging it.
Miller ordered all traffic on the street halted immediately, and the
hole was eventually plugged with 110 cubic yards of concrete.
Gateway’s site was complicated by Interstate 5 access
ramps that cut through it. The ramps were supported by 8-foot-round,
steel-reinforced concrete columns. The tower’s foundation would replace
the columns, which had to be removed.
When Hanson wasn’t satisfied with the speed of the crew he had
hired to take out the columns, he bought a $50,000 hydraulic hammer
attachment for his backhoe and did the work himself.
By the time he was done with the entire excavation, he’d taken
one shovelful of concrete out of the hole for every dozen of dirt.
Breaking reinforced concrete is slow going, and the Gateway
management was pressing Hanson to speed up. The ownership had gotten
lucky with the excavation. The earth behaved and nothing unforeseen was
encountered beneath it, but, typical of the history of the project, its
biggest problems were self-inflicted.
Financing delays had imperiled the project for years, and they
had not been fully resolved by the time excavation began in January
1988. At one point, work was halted “because they ran out of money,”
Hanson said.
The site sat empty for two weeks while Sarkowsky and his
partners scrambled to tie down a $165 million construction loan.
Most of the city’s developers had given the Gateway project
a slim chance of ever being built when Sarkowsky announced it in 1980.
His inability to put together the financing over the next eight years
did nothing to alter this perception. Many people were more surprised
that work had ever begun on the site than they were when it stopped.
The loan difficulties were eventually resolved, but they put
the project behind schedule just as it started. This delay was hardly
Hanson’s fault, but until he got the hole dug, nothing else could
happen; and Battle, the project manager, wanted to catch up.
He did it by pushing Hanson, whom he calls, admiringly, one of
the “shrewdest, meanest guys in the world.”
“We pushed him and pushed him and all he did was get meaner,”
Battle says. And faster.


BETWEEN HEAVEN AND HELL

Jon Hagwood, the project superintendent for KG Construction,
Gateway’s general contractor, describes his first construction job:
“I had my little hard hat and my tools and stuff, went out on
a highway project and was earning $10 an hour as an apprentice. At
first, I really didn’t like it. Some hillbilly foreman screaming at me
all the time. He really didn’t have very good people skills.”
Hagwood says this with an apparent ingenuousness it would
normally be hard to imagine in a 6-foot-6 1/2-inch, 245-pound
construction boss, but he is well aware of the changes in the building
business implied in what he says. Twenty years ago, who would have
cared if a foreman had “people skills,” good or otherwise? His
principal qualification, in fact, might have been his lack of them.
Most of the people in construction had been born to it, sons
following fathers, chosen for their bloodlines, not their knowledge. As
society and construction have both become more complex, the people in
it have changed. Hagwood’s parents were white-collar, middle-class. He
had been a cinematography student before he went to work on a
construction site.
John Battle, Hagwood’s boss, is the scion of an Old South
political family and has an undergraduate degree in, of all things,
literature. He is given to talking about the dichotomy between
construction fantasies and realities.
“Estimates are done in heaven,” he says. “The project is run
in hell.”
Battle and Hagwood, as the leaders of the Gateway construction
operation, are charged with finding some middle ground between those
two points on the metaphysical map.
They are members of a transitional generation in construction.
Hillbilly foremen are fast being replaced by bright, young (and
sometimes dumb) college-educated “construction management
professionals.” Entire college curricula are now devoted to the
subject. Computer depictions of Critical Path Management schedules are
replacing hillbilly belligerence as the most frequently used
motivators.
Entire development companies have been built upon strict
management regimes. Locally, the success of Wright Runstad is not so
much a result of brilliant building designs as it is rigorous
management of all phases of every project.
The Washington Mutual Tower, one of the most publicly admired
skyscrapers built in Seattle in recent years, is also envied within the
construction business for going from ground-breaking to occupancy in 19
months, one of the quickest high-rise schedules in history.
“There’s a lot of money involved. There’s a substantial
benefit to speeding up construction, on the order of a million dollars
a month,” says Steve Trainer, who managed the project for Wright
Runstad.
Battle and Hagwood are at some midpoint on the dirt-vs.-diploma
scale. Both started in the business as carpenters and converted to
management. Battle can scream and cuss with the craggiest old-timer,
but he holds a postgraduate architectural degree and wields his
Critical Path schedule like a diamond-tipped saw. Hagwood intimidates
just by the statement his body makes on the skyline, but tends to be a
cajoler rather than an enforcer.
Both are employees of KG Construction, an American subsidiary
of Kumagai Gumi, a Japanese firm that is one of the half-dozen largest
general contractors in the world. Kumagai, not coincidentally, is also
half owner of Gateway Tower.

AN `AMICABLE’ DIVORCE

As with almost every other aspect of the Gateway project, Kumagai’s
dual role as owner and contractor was not arrived at without
complication. Sarkowsky, the original owner of the project, had sought
partners for several years before signing deals with First City
Development of Canada and Kumagai.
In the meantime, he had been working with Howard S. Wright
Construction, a local company, as his prospective general contractor.
Kumagai invested $15 million in cash in the project, and as part of the
deal insisted its construction subsidiary share the general contracting
with Wright. The two firms established a joint venture partnership and
worked together through a year and a half of preconstruction planning.
The organization chart alternated between Wright and KG
hires. A Wright veteran, Clem Kynaston, managed the project, and KG
hired Battle as his assistant. It was a good fit. The two companies
worked together well in defining the work and lining up subcontractors
to do it.
“We sent letters of intent to all of the major subs, set
prices for elevators, mechanical equipment, electric, granite, windows,
window washing, fire prot done, despite all the delays.
“You never know when the job’s going to start. Especially this
one,” Battle says. “You want to gather momentum, but you want to keep
costs down.”
Suddenly, in the spring of 1988, when the excavation was nearly
complete and shortly before construction was finally set to begin,
Wright left the project, stating only that the parting was amicable.
Officials for the two companies agreed not to discuss it publicly, but
Wright people privately seethed. They complained that Kumagai Gumi had
used them to learn the local market and line up subcontractors, then
forced them off the job.
This was not simply a matter of pride. The general contracting
fee, which is generally set as a percentage of total construction cost,
is in the range of $2.5 million. Additionally, Wright had been a
subcontractor for $6 million worth of concrete work.
Whatever the reasons for the split, Wright had little choice in
the matter: KG’s parent was half owner of the building.
The immediate effect of the split was to empty half the jobs on
the organization chart and send Battle, who became the new project
manager, into a mad scramble to try to refill the Wright vacancies. As
much as 80 percent of the work on a high-rise is done by
subcontractors; the general contractor’s main responsibility is hiring
them and coordinating their activities. None of the subcontractors left
the job with Wright, but half the people charged with knowing what
those subs were supposed to do were gone.
One of the first things Battle did was bring Hagwood up from
California, where he had been working out of KG’s corporate offices, to
be project superintendent.
The superintendent and manager’s jobs mirror one another and,
in many respects, the larger process of building the building. Battle
wears a tie and spends most of his time in an office. One of his main
tasks is to bring the point of view of the workers to the owner and
architect. Hagwood wears jeans and spends most of his time on the site.
One of his main tasks is to bring the owner and architect’s point of
view to the people in the field.
There are conflicts inherent in the division between the
office, where the building is an intellectual construct expressed in
drawings, and the field, where the building is a physical construction
expressed in steel sticks and granite stones.
“The guys that do the work – the trades – all have a certain
mentality. They’re all product-oriented. They’re geared to it,”
Hagwood says. “They get frustrated when things get slowed down: `Let’s
do it.’ ”
When there’s a choice between speed and deliberation, the field
guys will choose speed every time. Sometimes they are difficult to
restrain.
“In title, I’m in charge of the subs, but it’s like a lion
tamer in a cage,” Battle says. “Who’s in charge of whom?”

FILLING THE HOLE

Once you have a hole, you need to put something in it, if for no
other reason than to keep the excavator from shoving the shoring
contractor into it.
Battle had been making plans to fill the hole for a year. He
prepared elaborate logistical sketches and marshaled resources as if he
were going to war. The departure of Wright was just one more element in
an already complicated calculus.
At 2 a.m. on Saturday, July 16, 1988, not coincidentally after
the bars had closed and a good 30 hours before the churches opened, 125
trucks began hauling concrete from eight different batch plants
scattered all over the Puget Sound region.
The trucks would drive more than 25,000 miles that night and
into the next afternoon, circling between the plants and the hole at
Sixth and Columbia. In 12 1/2 hours – the longest continuous concrete
pour in the history of the western United States – they filled a fifth
of the hole it had taken Bruce Hanson five months to dig.
The foundation pour had to be done all at once so that the
concrete would set all in one piece. It had to be done on a weekend
because the trucks would have backed up traffic to the Canadian border
if they had done it on a weekday. And it had to be done on Saturday
rather than Sunday because the Methodist Church down the block had
objected.
“I don’t know what we would have done if there had been a
synagogue in the neighborhood, too,” Battle says.
The original design for Gateway Tower had called for a
foundation made up of four large concrete piers sunk beneath the
excavation. The switch to a single 44-million-pound, 10-foot-thick slab
foundation had been made at KG’s suggestion because the mat delivered
equivalent structural integrity with less risk and cost in its
construction.
What a builder wants out of a foundation is stability, which is
a function of the foundation itself and the soil on which it sits. A
mat foundation typically will settle less than one with spread
footings. Think of it as the difference between pounding dirt with a
mallet and pounding it with a knife.
Soils can be heavily compacted to form what amounts to a solid
mass. When this compacting has already been performed by glaciers, such
soils are called preconsolidated.
Other soils have to be consolidated by man. In some cases this
is done by “preloading” a site with enough weight to compact it,
somewhat like sitting on a suitcase in order to shut the lid.
Gateway’s site was fortunate. Huge glaciers had lain over it
during the last ice age, consolidating it. It would easily bear the
foundation and the building that would go atop it – 129 million pounds
in total – and be expected to settle less than an inch.

THE ERECTOR SET

Neil Hokonson, one of Sarkowsky’s partners, says the main risks in
building a tall building are two: that a developer will misjudge the
market for his product and that the cost of his basic commodity, money,
will surge out of control.
“The physical building of this building is the simplest part
of it,” he said last spring. “You get a bunch of construction guys,
architects and engineers, put them in a room and tell them to bring out
a building. Then you keep saying no until they bring out what you
want.”
Right, this is the easy part, ironworker Paul Cline said
shortly thereafter, leaning out from the building to rein in a wayward
beam, his body separated from the ground by a thin steel cable and 600
feet of empty air. Cline’s sarcastic judgment was echoed by others over
the past year as they molded 64,500 tons of materials into a building.
Hokonson’s was a statement more of optimism than arrogance. He
simply refuses to accept the fact that construction contains dangers
equal to his financial risk. It was also a statement of the obvious
fact that without financiers, there would be no buildings to build.
A version of this opinion is held by almost everybody in the
business. Members of each trade – from masons to elevator operators –
feel theirs is the critical work. This is due in part to a prevalence
in construction of what Battle calls traditional values, foremost among
them pride.
“What we do is empirical,” he says. “One of the sources of
our pride is it’s right there. You can see it.”
Along with the pride, the members of each link in the
construction chain commonly feel unappreciated by the others.
Paul Dias, who helped design the mechanical and electrical
systems for Gateway, is astonished that people are unaware of them.
“Here you have all these wonderful, complex systems, and nobody wants
to know they’re there.”
Bill Greenwood, an executive of Spider Staging, a Seattle
manufacturer of window-washing equipment, is exasperated by what he
feels is the lack of respect his equipment receives. “Architects
refuse to even think about it,” he says. “Some New York apartments
have been designed without any at all.”
(Gateway was little different in this respect. Karl Rekevics, a
member of the architectural design team for Gateway, says he tried
unsuccessfully for years to get Bassetti, the lead designer, to focus
on where window-washing equipment should be installed and stored.
“I’ll not let some damned window washer design my building,”
Rekevics recalls Bassetti saying. In the end, of course, the
window-washing equipment had to go somewhere, and it ended up being
stored under the peak of the distinctive glass gabled roof. Bassetti
had gone to great lengths and great expense to the owner to move
cooling and air-conditioning equipment that normally occupies the top
of high-rise buildings so he could create grand, dramatic interior
spaces in this peak. Closets for window-washing equipment were not
exactly what he had in mind.)
Ironworkers are exceptions to this feeling of being spurned.
“Everybody thinks they’re tough . . . ,” Hagwood says. “The
ironworkers think they’re the toughest.”
Paul Cline typified that toughness with an iron-headed view of
life. When a steel beam cut off part of his son’s finger, Cline
retrieved it and took it to the hospital to be sewn back on. When
surgeons told him that was impossible, he shrugged.
“The kid wasn’t going to be a piano player anyhow,” he said.
One day not long afterward, Cline was showing a visitor around
the erection deck, which by then was more than 500 feet up in the air,
when they stepped on a section of temporary flooring that began to give
way to their weight.
The visitor jumped. Cline calmly stepped aside, probably
feeling more endangered by the nervous guest than by the wavering
floor.
“You gotta die from something,” he said.
Six months later he did. Paul Cline and three other ironworkers
were killed when a tower crane collapsed at a San Francisco high-rise
site. The crash was a harsh reminder of the perils of the high wire
they had chosen to walk.
As crucial and sometimes dangerous as it is, the process of
hanging iron is relatively simple and well-understood.
The steel for Gateway had been ordered more than a year before
construction started – before, in fact, anyone knew that construction
would ever start.
“Steel takes six months to a year to fabricate. We had to make
the order,” Battle says. The risk for this gamble was borne by the
steel contractor, Canron, a Canadian company that had ordered the steel
without a guarantee of ever being paid.
Other materials were ordered on a similarly speculative basis.
These bets were placed solely on Herman Sarkowsky’s reputation as an
honorable man.
“The minute Herman signed the (construction) contract he spent
$30 million,” Battle says.
John Skilling, Gateway’s structural engineer, specializes in
designing skyscrapers that are extraordinarily light. He does this
mainly by minimizing the amount of steel, cutting both material and
cost from the structure. He uses elaborate computer models to trim each
piece of steel and substitutes concrete for steel in the main columns.
This approach requires that virtually every piece of steel be a
different size, which is more of a problem for the steel fabricator
than for the erector. By the time the steel arrives at the building
site, it is precisely labeled, presorted and presumably ready to go up.
“It’s an erector set,” says Eric Rowe, the Gateway project
engineer. “You bolt it together.”
The main variable in its erection is the amount of cutting the
ironworkers have to do to make it fit together.
“Ideally, you’d never put a torch to it,” Rowe says. The
Gateway steel – fabricated in Portland, Ore., Vancouver, Wash., and
Bangkok, Thailand – was not ideal, but close to it, says Rod Sutton,
who ran the job for The Erection Co.
The raising gang, working six 10-hour days to set 500 pieces of
steel a week, went as fast as it could using a single crane to lift the
steel into place.
Steel erectors, like virtually all subcontractors, bid for jobs
based on estimates of time. Almost all subcontracting contracts are
given to the low bidder, who presumably has given himself the narrowest
margin.
Time is money. Too much time is bankruptcy. This leads to a
certain sense of urgency. The faster the crew is able to throw the
steel up, the more profit the company earns. Adam Jones, The Erection
Co. owner, is a former ironworker, and his company has made its
reputation and Jones a fortune through speed.
He pushes for it and has been criticized (and fined) for
sacrificing safety in its service. The workers, rather than
complaining, take pride in speed.
“This guy was an ironworker for 20 years. He treats us
better,” Paul Cline said of Jones. “You couldn’t ask for a nicer guy.
The only thing you got to do is work your ass off.”

BURNING THE TURKEY

The raising gang’s long-distance conversations with women working
inside Seafirst Fifth Avenue Plaza directly across Columbia Street were
interrupted last year when a blizzard shut down the site. The
conversations, conducted via pantomime and placards, tended to
emphasize the company’s motto: We can get it up.
When the crew came back after several days, it was greeted by a
sign in a window across the way asking, “Why can’t you do it in the
cold?”
The steel work, in fact, could have proceeded regardless of the
temperature. The accompanying concrete pours could not. In Skilling’s
design, each of four 9-foot-thick steel columns was to be filled with a
special high-strength concrete. Additionally, the steel erection could
not outpace the pouring of the concrete slab on each floor, since the
slabs were an integral part of the structure.
At one point, a prolonged cold spell threatened to halt the
entire job before a substitute supplier devised a way to heat rock and
keep making concrete. At another point, steel fabrication in Portland
was stopped when the Department of Defense demanded that the fabricator
drop everything it was doing to rush a government job. Jones set up a
yard on the Seattle docks and picked up the fabrication work himself.
Steel work was allocated eight months on Battle’s 28-month
timetable. Jones lost a month to weather and still met the schedule.
Although the notion of a “critical path” sounds like a New
Age road to enlightenment, it is merely an elaboration of the age-old
sequential nature of construction. You cannot, for example, put windows
in a building before you have erected the structure.
Battle likens the critical path to the turkey at a Thanksgiving
dinner. Almost any other item on the menu can be done too soon, too
late, or not at all, and its effect on the dinner will be marginal. But
if the turkey gets delayed, so does dinner. And in the case of a
commercial building, if the guests don’t eat, they don’t pay rent. The
owner is always in an urgent hurry to get paying customers in the door.
The critical elements on the path toward Gateway’s completion
included the digging and pouring of the foundation, erection of the
frame, installation of the elevators, application of the granite and
glass skin, and, still to be completed, the testing of all the
electrical, mechanical and safety systems.
The only crucial element that threatened to turn into a turkey
was the skin.
John Tawresey, an engineer whose expertise is designing
high-rise exteriors, which are called curtain walls, or cladding, says
that with few exceptions there are two sorts of companies in the
business of building those walls: those that have gone broke and those
that will.
“Every cladding company is sort of in the process of finding
the job it can’t handle,” Tawresey says.
Cladding is a complicated, time-intensive business. Virtually
every cladding system is custom-designed and, as in Gateway’s case,
frequently surpasses the steel as the most expensive element on a
high-rise.
On Gateway, there are 3,390 different sizes of stone and 36,352
separate granite slabs. If the estimate for applying each piece is off
by just 10 minutes, the contractor would have underestimated the labor
cost of applying the granite by $100,000.
The problem was further complicated on Gateway by the fact that
every element of the exterior – the granite, the windows, the
upper-floor skylight – was designed separately, as was the
window-washing equipment, which has to interact with the peculiarities
of all those other separately designed systems in order to do what it
is supposed to do.
Gateway’s owners employed what is known as a design-build
process for many of the major subsystems on the building. Rather than
have the project architects specify every aspect of the building, this
process pushes design responsibility for particular systems down to the
people who make the systems.
The architect establishes how a thing ought to look and sets
standards for how it ought to work, but the specific design of the
system is left to its manufacturer. All of the major elements of the
cladding were design-build systems.
This saves some money in design fees, but it has one tremendous
disadvantage: It presents “an enormous coordination problem,” Battle
says. “Blending all that stuff is a nightmare. It really skews
responsibility.”
This was not a part of the building where anyone welcomed more
complications.
Progress at Gateway was unaffected by the difficulty of
ordering stone from two countries on the other side of an ocean,
shipping it to a third country several thousand miles away, milling it,
shipping it to New Jersey, then sending it by train to an assembly yard
in Lakewood in rural Pierce County.
After being bolted to a frame, the stone was trucked to
Seattle, lifted onto each floor of the building, and finally welded to
a steel superstructure, some of which was made on the other side of a
different ocean and shipped to Seattle precisely in advance of the
granite’s arrival from Lakewood.
Although at one point the State Department threatened to slap a
tariff on the granite and unrest in Southeast Asia threatened shipment
of the steel from ports in Thailand, this global dance proceeded apace.
The biggest hitch in the whole plan occurred four blocks west of the
building site, in John Skilling’s office.
One of the greatest difficulties in building a skyscraper is
determining how much and when the structure will shrink under the
burden of its own weight, which they all invariably do.
No one knows precisely where the disappearing length goes – if
the steel compresses or bows – or when. Skilling predicted only that at
some point 5 inches of Gateway’s 720 feet would disappear.
This shrinkage, called elastic shortening, occurs differently
in buildings of different design. The steel-and-concrete columns that
hold up most of Gateway’s weight have been used in only a handful of
buildings, and only on Gateway ar e they on the exterior.
The question was further complicated because weight was not
evenly distributed throughout the building, and the heaviest portions
were expected to shorten even more.
“No one’s ever built a building like this before. It’s all
theory,” Hagwood says.
The greatest difficulty was trying to figure out when the
settling would occur. The timing was important because the cladding,
particularly the windows, could not be put on the building until the
shortening occurred. If the cladding went on too soon, it could pop off
when the building settled. Battle was frustrated in his attempts to pin
Skilling down. The shortening will be complete, Skilling said, when the
last weight was loaded onto the building. In other words, when the last
tenant is moved in.
Obviously, Battle had to give the go-ahead to his cladding
subcontractors before tenants moved in; otherwise, there wouldn’t be
space to move into, unless the tenants wanted permanently open walls
and windows.
From the time the steel erection began, Rod McKenzie, a
surveyor, had been looking for the shortening. Every weekend he was at
the site with his instruments, measuring movement. “I was married to
this building,” he says.
McKenzie had worked on other Skilling designs and, in fact, had
got caught in the middle of a lawsuit between Skilling and developer
Martin Selig over the settling of Columbia Center. The engineers blamed
part of the problem on faulty surveying. McKenzie, a man possessing
what Battle terms “explosive pride,” was incensed by the allegation.
His supervisor asked him why.
“ `Why?’ I said. `This is what I do. You’re saying I don’t
know how to do it.’ ”
Building surveyors are the same people you see on road crews,
peering through transits, plotting the course of highways. The
principles of surveying roads are the same as those of surveying
buildings. In practice, however, the two can be quite different.
“In a highway, if you’re within half an inch, who cares? It’s
close enough. In buildings . . . you just can’t live with close
enough,” McKenzie says.
For what seemed like an extraordinary amount of time,
McKenzie’s attentiveness to Gateway went unrewarded. He found virtually
no settling for almost six months.
While McKenzie looked, Battle waited, watching his schedule
deteriorate. The cladding was supposed to be following the steel up the
building. Once the cladding was on, interior work could begin. The
sooner interiors were done, the sooner tenants could come in.
But the cladding wasn’t on and everybody knew it. Cladding
problems almost always indicate structural problems, and the
real-estate rumor-mongers were at work. One competing developer
circulated a cartoon showing Gateway leaning like the Tower of Pisa.
Battle’s critical path began taking on the qualities of a
critical mass. Every month of construction was costing the owners
roughly $3 million, and every day Battle was falling further behind
schedule. He had to do something. He eventually decided to load all the
cladding materials inside the building on the floors where they would
be installed. Besides getting the material closer to its ultimate
destination, he hoped the addition of the weight – more than 3 million
pounds – would help induce the settlement.
Finally, between the construction of the 38th and 40th floors,
the building shrank an inch and a quarter, then continued shrinking
almost weekly.
“When the big drop occurred, I couldn’t believe it. We redid
the measurements two, three times,” McKenzie said. “I called the
company we bought the equipment from and had them bring some more stuff
out. For two or three nights, I couldn’t sleep. Finally, I called
Skilling. They said, `Yeah, OK, that’s what we expected.’ ”
By this time, Battle would have fallen two months behind
schedule if he hadn’t been stacking the granite on the building. Once
again he was able to catch up. “This isn’t a passing attack,” Battle
says. “It’s a ground game. You grind it out.”

`SELLING’ THE BUILDING

In several areas in the garage, the concrete finish is ragged. It
rained while the concrete was being poured and water drained down
through the building, dripping onto wet floors. In some places this
created a slurry, a water-heavy mixture atop the concrete that, if
allowed to dry in place, creates an uneven finish.
To prevent this, Scott Lee, the KG engineer in charge of the
concrete work, ordered the slurry pushed off the floor, over the side
of the building, a common practice on a low-rise site.
On the constricted Gateway site, where there was always a
danger of spraying a passing car or dropping the slurry on workers
below, this was not an appealing option, but it was one of the few Lee
had and he decided to try it. The first load of slurry was shoved over
the side from the eighth floor. It stayed within the bounds of the site
and hit no cars.
Unfortunately, as it fell, Hagwood walked out of the building
and the slurry landed on his head. He was uninjured, but unamused.
No more slurry would be shoved over the side. The result, while
it kept Hagwood dry, left Lee with no place to put the slop. It simply
sat on the floors and hardened, creating an uneven finish.
KG is now grinding and patching these areas to sell them to the
architect.
“Selling” is a term of the trade meaning getting the
architect, acting on behalf of the owner, to accept work. It is not
completed until the architect approves it, until in effect the owner
buys it from the general contractor.
The patchwork represents money out of KG’s pocket.
“Rain wasn’t in my estimate,” Battle says.
The architect, however, is not concerned with the cost but with
the finish, which is primarily an aesthetic question for which he is
responsible.
The problem with the concrete is emblematic of the tension
between perfection on paper and imperfection in fact, positions Battle
had characterized as heaven and hell.
Gateway Tower, like almost every other construction project in
history, has ended up somewhere in between. The selling of some piece
of the building occurs weekly now as the contractor and architect work
through a punchlist of imperfections. Some pipes have been found in odd
positions, and there is a variety of nicks and scratches, but no major
flaws have surfaced. The builder is selling and it looks like the owner
will be buying.
Then what will he do with it?
By the time Gateway is completed this spring at a construction
cost of about $84 million, leases will have been signed for about 40
percent of its 990,000 square feet. The rest is empty.
Sarkowsky, who has been working on this high-rise for more than
a decade now, a sixth of his life, says he always figured the toughest
part was getting the building built.
“I never really worried about filling it up,” he says.
Maybe, one competitor says, it’s time he started.

EPILOGUE:
This concludes our stories on the creation of Gateway Tower, but not
our interest in downtown development. Some months from now, when
tenants have settled in, we’ll examine how the building functions as a
part of the city. Parts 1-4 can be obtained by sending a large,
self-addressed envelope with $1.25 postage to: High Rise, c/o Deniz
Satir, Seattle Times, P.O. Box 70, Seattle, WA 98111.


———————————————————————–

GETTING THE GOODS: A TALL ORDER

Dirt: 80,000 cubic yards of mostly clay excavated from the site,
enough to fill 10 stories of the building.

Concrete: 864,000 pounds per foot. 79 million pounds total, enough
to lay a sidewalk to Portland.

Steel: 21 million pounds cut into 10,500 pieces weighing an average
of 1 ton apiece. The heaviest piece – a girder in the low-rise portion
of the tower – weights 18,500 pounds.

Some of the steel was rolled in Japan out of Australian ore, then
fabricated in Thailand and shipped to Seattle, where it was put
together with 75,000 specially designed bolts from Michigan.

Stone: 36,352 separate pieces of granite, most of it from Finland,
some from Sweden, all of it shipped to Italy for fabrication, then to
New Jersey, then to Lakewood, Pierce County, where it was bolted to
metal frames, trucked to Gateway and bolted and welded onto the
building.

In all, 3 million pounds of granite in 3,390 different sizes cover
217,509 square feet on the exterior. Additional marble for interior
details was quarried in Italy, Pakistan, Central America and Finland
and milled in Italy.

Glass: 7,000 windows from Oregon. In the skylight alone, 30,300
square feet of glass, enough to cover 11 tennis courts.

Wire: 25,000 miles of electric wire, enough to wrap around the
Earth at the equator.

Elevators: 32 Otis Whisper Ride cabs operating in two miles of
shafts; interiors decorated with five different kinds of wood: walnut,
cherry and oak from the United States, padauk from Burma and ebony from
east Africa.

Toilets: 373.