|
A Thousand Cuts
As long as the monopoly money rolled in, who noticed?
By Terry McDermott
Spencer Ackerman, who reports on national security issues for The Washington Independent and blogs about the same—and does both at a consistently high level of quality, which is not a simple task—last year posted an item on his blog, Attackerman, explaining how to deconstruct a typical piece by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker.
He said Hersh was ill-served by the conventional journalistic habit of
shaping reporting into stories that needed to signify their importance.
Lots of Hersh’s reporting, Ackerman argued, would be better understood
as pure reporting and read simply because it was what Hersh had learned,
whatever it portended. Shaping it into traditional journalism
structures warped it.
One day, journalistic convention will decide that placing
reporters like Hersh within the box of a lede (the intentional
misspelling of “lead” is yet another journalistic convention that makes
little sense) for a piece that needs no lede is a silly idea.
Then, my friends, we will finally have the free play of notebook
material. But until then, we have to read Hersh with a bit of a knowing
eye. You can hate all you like, but god’s son is across the belly and
he’ll prove you lost already. [Parenthesis mine, italics and
capitalization his.]
I have no idea what that last sentence about God’s son and the belly
means, but it’s a blog post so I don’t have to understand it and
Ackerman doesn’t have to care that I don’t. This is part of the nature
of blogging. The writer can assume I know exactly what he means, or not
care that I don’t. Somebody else will get it. This kind of writing is
directed at a very particular, almost personal, audience. It’s like
writing in dialect and as far from a mass medium as you can get. While
it happens to be available via the Internet to millions of people, it is
certainly not aimed at them.
What Ackerman is advocating is that Hersh be liberated from the
formal conventions of journalism, and the constraints that accompany
them. Then he can simply say, “Here, look what I found.” Ackerman is
asking, implicitly, that Hersh be regarded as a blogger. I think he’s
right. I think blogging would suit Hersh. I also think blogging is
saving journalism.
I worked at newspapers for thirty years and loved every day of it.
Wait. It’s more complicated than that. Much more. In fact, to say I
loved newspapering wholeheartedly is a bald-faced lie. I hated at least
half of those three decades worth of days and swore at the end of many
that it would be the last. I carried out these vows to quit several
times, never for very promising prospects. I left to write speeches, to
write fiction, to pound nails—none of which was I as good at as pounding
a beat. So what was I fighting for or against? Sometimes, those who
knew me would suggest that it was nothing more than myself. Sometimes,
though, I actually had a point.
I hated the conventions that bound daily journalism, the stilted, odd
language in which it was written as well as the contrived structures
into which that odd language was shaped. The common newspaper style is
so heavily codified you need a Berlitz course to interpret it. More than
formal, the style is abstract and artificial. I once (on the very first
day at a new job) got into a frighteningly intense argument with a city
editor who had objected to my use of the word “slumbered” to describe
the behavior of two political candidates during a debate. They didn’t
really sleep through it, did they? he asked. Of course not, I said. I
meant it figuratively, not literally. We don’t use figurative language
here, he told me. Then he changed the word to “lumbered.”
That was one benighted guy, but the problem was nearly universal.
Until recently, you couldn’t escape it. Now you can. The advent of the
Web and the proliferation of smart, aggressive bloggers around the globe
have torn journalism loose from its hinges. The hounds have been
unleashed.
While disliking it intensely, it is easy to forget there was a reason
for the soporific style of newspaper writing. Newspapers were actually
trying to do something good. They recognized that they held powerful,
uncontested positions as conveyors of news to their communities. After
much coaxing, they took it upon themselves to shed their partisan pasts
and don a cloak of social responsibility—a practice that they called
objectivity. They did it in part to sell papers—they thought if they
made fewer people angry they would have more readers—but mainly they did
it because they thought it was the right thing to do.
I never worked in a newsroom where these responsibilities were
seriously questioned. I also never worked in one where they were
seriously honored. I don’t mean that people didn’t think they were being
honored. And they were, but only in the most formulaic way imaginable. A
balanced story about a political debate, for example, would carefully
include the points of view on both sides of whatever issue was being
examined. Never mind that there might actually be three-dozen points of
view, not two. The bigger problem was that this removed the newspaper
from its function as a seeker of truth. That’s not our job, we said.
Instead, we wrote what we were told.
The net result was that even the best newspapers became predictable
and stultifying. Color and flourish in the writing were banished.
Curiosity was discouraged. At one job, there was a respected senior
reporter who routinely wrote his stories before doing much if any
reporting. Then he would go out to find people to tell him what he had
already written. He was an extreme case—almost literally filling in the
blanks—but hardly alone. I can’t tell you the number of times I’ve been
asked what a particular story would say before I had done a lick of
reporting on it.
Stories were edited with the idea that every reader was going to read
every word and therefore the words and, more damagingly, the ideas had
to be of a certain simplicity. This is such a crackpot notion it barely
seems fair to critique it. No one reads the entire paper; few read most
of it.
The point is that newspapers have been killing themselves slowly for a
long time. So long as the monopoly profits rolled in, the death by a
thousand cuts wasn’t paid any attention. When the Internet arrived to
eliminate the advertising monopolies, the newspapers already had a foot
in the grave.
That said, it wouldn’t hurt the Web triumphalists to acknowledge that
there is something more than jobs being lost in the process of
newspapers dying. Whether you liked the way they did it or not, monopoly
newspapers often performed civic functions.
The real power of a big paper is most apparent in a couple of
specific circumstances. The first is when something really big happens,
usually a disaster, causing huge portions of the paper’s resources to be
thrown at the story. This is a sort of a reserve power, there when you
need it but invisible when you don’t. I often was assigned to rewrite on
these stories. It was a frustrating, exhilarating job. I could sit at
my desk for the whole day, watching the inanity of cable news and
waiting for reporters in the field to file. Then, as deadline for the
day’s first edition approached, I would suddenly be overwhelmed with
more great reporting than I could possibly use. Reporters I’d never
heard of were giving me incredible stuff.
The second circumstance is when breathtaking stories you knew nothing
about, but that people had been working on for months or years,
suddenly appear in the paper. The depth of the newspaper’s staff allows
for this relative luxury.
These two quite different kinds of reporting power are both
threatened as newspapers decline. Because of their irregular, episodic
nature, readers will not necessarily know they are gone, but their
absence will make a community’s news culture considerably poorer.
I once gave a talk to a group of business executives about coverage
of 9/11. My assignment back then was to profile the hijackers. My
editor’s instructions were to go wherever I needed to go and stay as
long as I needed to stay. Neither of us imagined the reporting would
take three years and require travel to twenty countries on four
continents. But it did. In the middle of my talk one of the executives
interrupted. “This is fascinating,” he said, “but I can’t help asking:
How does it cost out?” It doesn’t, of course. There isn’t much a
newspaper does that pays for itself. I suppose you could think about
this sort of reporting as brand management, reminding your readers
you’re a serious organization. But without the subsidy of the monopoly
profits, there will be less and less of this kind of coverage, if any at
all.
Ours is a newspaper family. My wife and I met in a newsroom. She takes her BlackBerry to bed so she can read the next day’s New York Times
the night before. We have three papers delivered every morning. I read
them in thirty minutes, thirty-five if there are box scores to
scrutinize. Clearly, there’s much more looking than reading going on.
Which isn’t to say I don’t read. I read a lot, but selectively. When
I’m working on an extended reporting project, I tend to read exclusively
on that subject. This does not a well-rounded person make. Or a
well-rounded news consumer. In truth, though, I’ve never much liked
reading news, even when I was reporting it. I’ve written a couple, but
haven’t read a murder story in years, or a campaign-trail dispatch in
many more. I’m a big sports fan but almost never read newspaper sports
stories. Here’s why:
Cliff Lee looked like Neo on top of the building at the end
of the Matrix. Like the game slowed down just for him and he could see
everything in ten different ways while the Yankees were stuck in their
little three dimension [sic] world.
This was Craig Calcaterra, a lawyer with too much time on his hands,
blogging on The Hardball Times about the first game of last year’s World
Series. This is almost the perfect beginning for a blog post. It
assumed you knew what had happened. It cast its subject into pop culture
and it was dead-on smart. Compare it to any newspaper game story and
tell me which you would rather read. Yeah, me too.
Even when I still worked for a newspaper, I was already spending more
time reading things that were connected to the news, driven by it, but
that weren’t newspapers. This has only been exacerbated since I left the
newsroom. I used to argue that newspapers ought to return to their
mass-medium roots—the high-voltage days of the penny press. That now
seems silly. Newspapers have a product that is mismatched to their
audience, but becoming more of a mass medium is no longer possible.
There is increasingly no mass to be mediated. Everything’s been blown
apart. It’s as if somebody set off a bomb in a crystal museum; there are
shards of audience scattered from here to kingdom come.
The shards, though, are empowered to reassemble outside the museum. I
and thousands of others have built our own newspapers out of rss feeds.
I subscribe to about a hundred different Web sites and have organized
them in Google Reader. The material is automatically fed into a system
of folders that I designate. Think of the folders as newspaper sections.
My A section is science news. My B section is sports, baseball and
professional basketball only. The C section is politics. D is books and
movies.
After I spend my half hour reading the three newspapers, I spend a
solid two hours reading through my subscription list. It’s customizable,
specific, highly organized, idiosyncratic, and immediate. How can a
newspaper compete with that?
|
|
Dumb Like a Fox
Fox News isn’t part of the GOP; it has simply (and shamelessly) mastered the confines of cable
By Terry McDermott
Last December 10 was a big news
day. U.S. Senate negotiators announced they had agreed to a compromise
on health care reform, final preparations were being made for a global
conference on climate change, President Obama accepted the Nobel Peace
Prize, and new details emerged on five young American men who had been
arrested in Pakistan on suspicion of plotting terror attacks. Not to
mention that America was involved in two wars and was still in the
throes of the worst recession in eighty years.
That night, the main news programs on the three cable news networks—CNN Tonight on CNN, Fox Report
on Fox, and The Big Picture on MSNBC—all led with approximately five
minutes of coverage of Obama, cutting between video of his acceptance
speech and reports from on-the-ground reporters in Oslo. CNN and MSNBC
also included on-air analysis of the speech by a variety of
commentators. Fox had no such commentary on its news show, just a
more-or-less straightforward report on the speech.
This might seem surprising, given the charges of bias leveled against
Fox by members of the Obama administration. Charges, for example, like
this from Anita Dunn, then the administration’s director of
communications, speaking last October on Howard Kurtz’s CNN program, Reliable Sources:
The reality of it is that Fox News often operates almost as
either the research arm or the communications arm of the Republican
Party. And it is not ideological. . . . What I think is fair to say
about Fox, and the way we view it, is that it is more of a wing of the
Republican Party. . . . They’re widely viewed as a part of the
Republican Party: take their talking points and put them on the air,
take their opposition research and put it on the air. And that’s fine.
But let’s not pretend they’re a news organization like CNN is.
Dunn’s strong talk set off a round of finger-pointing that hasn’t
abated since. Her statement was attacked by political professionals for
its form, and by Fox adherents for its content. The pols said the form
of the complaint was too overt and thereby bad political tactics,
somehow raising the news channel to equal standing with President Obama.
The basic advice from this quarter was a president should never stoop
to conquer.
Apart from the wisdom of the White House tactics, the content of the
criticism was said, mainly by Fox, to be mistaken in that it failed to
differentiate between Fox’s news programming and its opinion
programming.
A close look at Fox’s operations seemed an obvious way to examine the
claims and counter-claims. When I approached Fox to gain access to
their studios and staff for a story about the nature of their news
operations, I was told that if I wanted to do a piece on Fox, I should
do a profile of Shepard Smith, their main news anchorman. I should be
careful, they told me, to distinguish between Smith, a newsman, and
their bevy of more notorious personalities—Bill O’Reilly, Neil Cavuto,
Glenn Beck, and Greta Van Susteren*. They aren’t really news people, I
was told; they are editorialists and ought to be analyzed as such. They
are analogous, Fox suggested, to the editorial and op-ed opinion pages
of newspapers, which ought not be confused with the straight news
coverage.
The proposal to do a story on Smith was fair enough, but would not in
any way address the central issue: Was Fox a political operation? I
declined. A Smith profile would be a wonderful story for another time, I
told Fox, but it wasn’t the story we felt relevant at the moment. That
being the case, Fox “declined to participate” in my reporting, which is
another way of saying I should go do something to myself and possibly
the horse I rode in on, too.
I’ve been told worse, so I wasn’t offended, but this put the story in
a bind. I had thought a reported story on how Fox assembles its daily
programming would be useful. Doing a story on Fox without access and
cooperation necessarily changes the nature of the story. So in lieu of
talking to Fox, the main thing I did was let Fox talk to me. That is, I
watched a lot of Fox News, and I must report the Fox spokeswoman was
absolutely correct. Shepard Smith is an interesting guy. He is far and
away the most charming personality on Fox. Not that this takes special
effort. Generally speaking, Fox doesn’t do charm. O’Reilly, for all of
his considerable talents, blew a fuse in his charm machine years ago,
and it’s not clear Beck ever had one to blow. Let’s not even start on
Sean Hannity and Cavuto.
Smith’s show—or, rather, shows; he hosts two of them every
weekday—are absent much of Fox’s usual cant. They are odd in Smith’s own
ironic, idiosyncratic way, but not so unusual that you couldn’t imagine
them appearing on one of the other cable news networks. In sum, they
seem a perfect rebuttal to Dunn’s critique.
Now Dunn is no political naïf. She’s a seasoned, winning political
operator. She didn’t wander accidentally into this thicket. She strode
straight to it with nary a side step. Neither are Fox’s leaders naïve.
In particular, Fox CEO Roger Ailes is a seasoned, some might say
marinated, political operator. One or the other of the two sides to this
discussion about the true nature of Fox News is being disingenuous. Or
perhaps both are. Shocking, I know.
There is no shortage of people eager to comment on Fox and the nature
of its news. We thought it simpler and potentially more valuable to
just watch its programs and see what they said. We decided to examine
and compare the prime time cable news programming of a single day, and
we picked December 10, a Thursday. The newscasts that day and the
programming that surrounded them offer some clear testimony on the
question: What is Fox News?
The big event of the day was Obama’s
Nobel prize speech, and its coverage provides a handy schematic for the
three networks’ typical modus operandi. As noted above, all three led
their nightly newscasts with the speech. The speech occurred early in
the day, our time, so it was a subject of comment throughout the day and
into the prime-time big money shows.
CNN had, as it almost always does, by far the most diverse array of
commenters, including partisans from each side as well as others
regarded as centrists. Their reaction contained by far the broadest
range of the three channels, ranging from Jack Cafferty—“a great
speech . . . . mesmerizing” and David Gergen—“transcendent quality”—to
Alex Castellanos, a GOP consultant who thought it too self-absorbed—“It
was I, I, I all the time”—and Michael Gerson, the former George W. Bush
speechwriter, who termed it a “complex, intellectually rich, impressive
speech.”
MSNBC offered generally effusive praise. Chris Matthews called the
speech “a morally powerful speech worthy of a Jack Kennedy.” Chuck Todd
labeled it “realistic idealism.” Cynthia Tucker thought it was “a very
powerful speech . . . a speech for grown- ups . . . that embraced
complexities.” Lawrence O’Donnell and Howard Fineman agreed it was
humble. Historian Michael Beschloss said it was “elegant as always.”
Rachel Maddow summarized it as “an eloquent speech on the nature and
responsibilities of war.”
Fox News—in its hour-long news broadcasts—generally praised the
speech or quoted others who did so. Major Garrett, the network’s White
House correspondent, reporting from the scene of the award in Oslo,
termed the speech a “muscular defense of war.” Others invited to comment
on it during the news show were generally favorable. Newt Gingrich,
former speaker of the House of Representatives, termed it a “very
historic speech. And the president, I think, did a very good job of
representing the role of America.” Charles Krauthammer demurred
somewhat, saying “it was the best speech he has ever given on foreign
soil,” implying that other prior speeches were limited in their
effectiveness.
It was all downhill after that. On Fox’s array of hosted opinion
shows—O’Reilly, Beck, Cavuto, Hannity, and Van Susteren, the speech rode
the down escalator through the evening. Said Hannity: “President Barack
Obama joined the likes of Yasser Arafat, Jimmy Carter, and Al Gore
earlier today when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in a ceremony in
Oslo, Norway.” Hannity later said Obama, whom he called the “anointed
one,” had appeased the crowd with criticism of the U.S. “Obama just
can’t seem to give a speech overseas without bashing America,” he said.
Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard praised the initial portion
of the speech but said, “the second two-thirds was filled with typical
Obama rhetorical flourishes and excesses.” John Bolton, Bush’s
ambassador to the United Nations, wrapped up the night’s commentary by
telling Van Susteren the speech “was a pretty bad speech—turgid,
repetitive. I thought it was analytically weak, sort of at a high school
level. It’s like he didn’t have any lead in his pencil left after his
speeches at the U.N. and the speech on Afghanistan. So all in all, a
pretty surprisingly disappointing performance.”
The same pattern repeated itself through the three networks’ coverage
of the other events of the day. The formal newscasts for all three
networks were fairly straightforward but the commentary that came before
and after was anything but. MSNBC, in its commentary, tended to love
whatever the Democrats had done that day. CNN has so many commentators
it almost can’t help but be on all sides of every issue. Fox, meanwhile,
was raising an army to overthrow the government.
Here are some more representative examples. They might seem chosen to
make a point; they were not. They are admittedly impressionistic, but
we think a fair sampling of what was on the air that day.
On the Senate compromise on health care reform:
MSNBC—Democratic Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon called it “a godsend.”
Howard Dean said “the Senate bill really does advance the ball.”
CNN—Representative Barbara Lee, a California Democrat, called it “the type of coverage that they [her constituents] deserve.”
Fox—Neil Cavuto posed this question to independent Senator Joe
Lieberman of Connecticut: “Senator, they just didn’t put lipstick on a
pig? It’s still a pig, right?” Lieberman was noncommittal on the porcine
nature of the compromise, but assured he would vote against it. Hayes
of The Weekly Standard said, “it is absolutely insane.” Former
Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee said, “It is the lump of coal in our
Christmas stocking.”
On climate change:
MSNBC—Jonathan Alter of Newsweek, addressing Sarah Palin’s
claim that climate change is not necessarily the result of human
activity: “Her bigger problem, if she wants to be a candidate, is that
she’s on the wrong side of history. She’s on the wrong side of science.
She’s on the wrong side of politics here.”
CNN—Kitty Pilgrim, CNN correspondent: “The United States is falling
behind the rest of the world in what some see as the cleanest energy
option available, nuclear power.”
Fox —Amy Kellogg, Fox correspondent: “. . . stolen e-mails suggest
the manipulation of trends, deleting and destroying of data, and
attempts to prevent the publication of opposing views on climate
change . . . .”
We could go on, but the pattern would not change.
The three networks are, of course, all
in the same television business, but even apart from expressions of
ideology each approaches its business differently, each seeking its own
distinct niche in the modern television ecology. One large difference is
apparent in their staffing structures. Of the three, CNN produces and
broadcasts much more news content and has many more reporters reporting
from many more places. It has a total staff of about 4,000 people,
according to the Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism’s latest available report.
On December 10, for example, it was the only one of the three networks
to feature on-the-ground reporting from both Pakistan and Virginia on
the case of the five Americans arrested in Pakistan. CNN’s newsgathering
superiority was even more striking in the aftermath of the January
earthquake in Haiti.
With the exception of Larry King’s interview show in the evening, it
runs news programming more or less all day long. CNN includes opinion
and analysis as feature inserts on its news shows, an adjunct to its
news operations, but its great strength is news. The commentary often
feels forced and superfluous. Fox is the opposite. It includes the news
operations as an adjunct to opinion and analysis. It is much more of a
talk-show network than a news network. In fact, it mimics one of Ailes’s
first ventures into television news programming, an NBC-owned all-talk
channel called America’s Talking. Fox News uses this model much more
than it does CNN’s news model.
The perceived problem is not that Fox’s straight news is relatively
bias-free and its opinion programming overwhelmingly conservative. The
problem is that the news portion is very small and the opinion portion
very large. It would indeed be like a traditional newspaper opinion-news
division if the ratios were reversed.
Fox has a reporting and editing staff about one-third the size of
CNN’s. Fox has many fewer bureaus, both domestic and international
(again, about one-third CNN’s total). From personal experience covering
news around the world, you almost always run into a CNN crew or
stringer. You almost never run into a Fox reporter, and never one from
MSNBC.
In essence, MSNBC has no news operation whatsoever. It has about half
the total staff that Fox employs, roughly one-sixth that of CNN, but
none of these people are reporters. It is almost purely a talk network.
It regularly runs even less news content than Fox. In primetime, it runs
none at all. At 7 p.m., when Fox and CNN are running hour-long
newscasts, MSNBC airs a re-run of Chris Matthews’s interview show, Hardball.
Even when it puts news on the air, the content is almost entirely drawn
from its corporate big brother, NBC, and NBC’s news operation pales
compared to that of CNN. From a business standpoint, MSNBC is useful as a
means to amortize the costs of NBC’s newsgathering. This can produce
genuinely awkward moments—as it did frequently during the 2008 election
campaign, when NBC’s relatively straight news staff joined its more
opinionated studio hosts in covering election results.
Ironically, Ailes left NBC because he was piqued that NBC in 1995 had
gone into partnership with Microsoft to create MSNBC, infringing on his
authority as president of CNBC, he thought. He then went to Murdoch and
established Fox News. And now MSNBC, having long since divorced itself
from Microsoft, has essentially copied the model Ailes established at
Fox—a little news, a lot of opinion, and theatrical presentation of it
all. It’s no accident that one of MSNBC’s most outsized
personalities—Matthews—was promoted by Ailes when he was at CNBC.
Yet as striking as are the differences among the channels there is
one overwhelming similarity: whatever it is that dominates cable news,
it is largely not journalism.
There is, as has been remarked upon often, an awful lot going on
on-screen all the time. There is the central image that is being
broadcast at the time; plus a chyron, or label, identifying the scene
and/or the people in it; plus the ever-present scrawl at the bottom of
the screen, sometimes commenting on the scene being broadcast, sometimes
referring to something utterly different. But for all of this
hyperactivity cable news is surprisingly old-fashioned. There is much
less use of moving pictures than one would think, and very few actual
images of news events.
Mainly, what is going on instead is just talking. Studio hosts talk
to reporters and sometimes to themselves. If there are multiple hosts,
they talk to one another. The hosts talk to guests, either gathered in
the studio or at another studio or occasionally by telephone. The guests
are a familiar collection of politicians, political operatives,
journalists, some experts, and a group we could call expert
commentators. (What, for example, is David Gergen’s expertise beyond
commenting?)
Even on news shows like Wolf Blitzer’s The Situation Room on
CNN, the ratio of news to everything else is preposterously tilted
toward everything else. During high news events, Blitzer will often have
not one but two separate panels of analysts/commentators in the studio.
The result is that even when there is news to be broadcast, more time
is spent assessing it than reporting it.
Over the course of an average day, all this talking on the three
channels adds up to more than half a million words spilled on cable-news
air. That’s a phenomenal amount of verbiage—by volume, a new War and Peace
every single day. It does not, as you might guess, approach anything
like the art and coherence of a novel. Rarely does a single sentence
rise to that level.
What are they talking about all the time? Usually, they’re talking
about what a particular little morsel of news means. What is that bit of
news good for? Whom is it good for? Who’s up, who’s sideways, who’s
selling the country down the river? There is a very large measure of
performance involved in all of this. The studio hosts typically play
some amped-up, over-the-top version of themselves. They bring to mind
nothing so much as one of the vibrant monologues from the Howard Beale
character in the movie Network: “Television is a Goddamned
amusement park! Television is a circus, a carnival, a traveling troupe
of acrobats, storytellers, dancers, singers, jugglers, sideshow freaks,
lion tamers, and football players. We’re in the boredom-killing
business!”
If you talked all day every day you’d say some pretty stupid stuff
and, no surprise, the cable talkers are no exceptions. Much of what gets
said, in fact, is just barely above gibberish. On his December 10 show,
O’Reilly led with an attack on Dick Wolf, the creator of the Law & Order
television franchise, for allowing a character on one of his shows to
criticize O’Reilly by name. To buttress his rebuttal of Wolf, O’Reilly
quotes—who better?—himself. Later in the show, he interviews fellow host
Glenn Beck about President Obama’s Peace Prize, which Beck says was
given as a sort of affirmative action award.
Beck: I used to believe in a meritocracy. I used to believe you would. . . .
O’Reilly: Earn things?
Beck: You would earn things. I have no problem with the president winning a Nobel Peace Prize.
O’Reilly: No, I agree he didn’t earn it, but so what? It’s Norway. You know? It’s Norway. You know what I’m talking about?
Beck: Well, now that you put it in that context.
O’Reilly: Right. And I love Norway.
Beck: You’re exactly right. Who doesn’t love Norway?
O’Reilly: I love the fjords.
Beck: Sure.
O’Reilly: I’ve been to Oslo.
Beck: I have never.
O’Reilly: Right. I believe I have some Viking blood in me.
Beck: Do you? I think you do.
O’Reilly: OK. So. . . .
Beck: I want him to wear the hat with the horns. Don’t you? Seriously.
O’Reilly: It’s Norway.
Beck: Send him the hat with the horns. He’ll wear it. But [singing] la la la la. [speaking] He’d do it.
O’Reilly: Easy, Mr. Fascination. Calm down.
There’s a loopy self-absorption to this
that is peculiar to Fox and that derives from its origin narrative as
the network for the unrepresented, for the outsiders. There is a strain
of resentment, of put-upon-ness that pervades almost everything Fox puts
on the air. Beck, in particular, was born to play this part. He would
be Beale. On his own show that night, Beck spent fully two-thirds of his
time in an agitated defense of himself against charges few would ever
had heard of had he not spent so much time defending them.
No reasonable person would sincerely deny that Fox has a distinct
bias favoring Republicans, and conservative Republicans especially. Even
Fox used to admit as much. When he started the network, Ailes was
straightforward in talking about his desire to redress what he saw as
ideological bias in the mainstream media. He wanted to address the same
“silent majority” his old boss Richard Nixon had sought to serve. This
is nowhere more apparent than in the guests who appear on the network.
On the day in question, other than short video clips of news conferences
or other public appearances, Fox didn’t put a single Democrat on the
air except as a foil for Republican or Fox commentators.
This appears to be politically motivated, but that could be just an
artifact—the content seems political but the primary aim is much more
likely commercial. Cable news is not literally a broadcast business, but
a narrowcast. At any given moment, there are a relative handful of
people (in peak hours less than five million and in non-prime hours half
that, out of the U.S. population of 320 million) watching all of these
networks combined. American Idol, in contrast, routinely draws 30
million. Although cable news is a comparatively small market, it is a
small market with a much larger mindshare, mainly because the media are
self-reflective, creating a kind of virtual echo chamber. It is also
lucrative. Advertisers want exactly the sort of educated,
higher-disposable-income audience news programming tends to attract.
Ailes has proven an extraordinarily acute businessman who has, according to an excellent piece by David Carr and Tim Arango in the January 9 New York Times,
turned a fledging news operation that barely existed a decade ago into
the runaway market leader in cable news and a profit engine that turns
out more than $500 million annually for Rupert Murdoch’s global News
Corporation.
Ailes’s most valuable insight was that sharp opinions do not
necessarily chase an audience away. In fact, they seem to have created
one. There is no worry of offending a broad audience, because there is
no broad audience to start with anymore.
It’s worth noting that MSNBC languished in the cable news ratings
competition until becoming more sharply opinionated, in that way
becoming a left-leaning analog to Fox. It’s highly doubtful this change
was due to political considerations. In other ways, though, MSNBC is not
a Fox analog at all. Although its overall operation is sharply to the
left of Fox, it offers a wider array of guests and doesn’t completely
shut out Republicans. Matthews, for example, on the day in question
conducted a friendly interview with two Tea Party Republican activists.
The existence of Morning Joe, starring outspoken conservative Joe Scarborough, on MSNBC’s morning air offers further evidence.
Ailes, by his programming choices, sees no need to have a liberal
counterpart to Scarborough on Fox. Why should he? He’s got the ratings,
the money, and a political operation that is nearly pure in its
adherence to contemporary populist Republicanism.
But is it an arm of the GOP? Not unless you think Roger Ailes would
actually work for Michael Steele. It is more likely the other way
around. Steele, in some broader cultural sense, works for Ailes, who is
without close contest the most powerful Republican in the country today.
The national Republican Party has shrunk to a narrow base with no
apparent agenda other than to oppose everything the Obama administration
proposes. This extends even to opposing policies Republicans either
created or once supported. In explaining these reversals, Republicans
frequently say that their changes of position—for example, on
deficit-reduction measures that they routinely dismissed when in the
majority—owes mainly to changes in national circumstances. But the main
circumstance that seems to have changed is their loss of formal power in
Washington. This suits Fox perfectly, and gives heft to its
self-definition as an insurgency.
|
|
COLUMN ONE
Blogs can top the presses
Talking Points Memo drove the U.S. attorneys story, proof that Web
writers with input from devoted readers can reshape journalism.
By Terry McDermott
Times Staff Writer
March 17, 2007
New York — In a third-floor Flower District walkup with bare wooden
floors, plain white walls and an excitable toy poodle named Simon, six
guys dressed mainly in T-shirts and jeans sit all day in front of
computer screens at desks arranged around the oblong room’s perimeter,
pecking away at their keyboards and, bit by bit, at the media
establishment.
The world headquarters of TPM Media is pretty much like any small
newsroom, anywhere, except for the shirts. And the dog. And the quiet.
Most newsrooms are notably noisy places, full of shrill phones and
quacking reporters. Here there is mainly quiet, except for the clacking
keyboards.
It’s 20 or so blocks up town to the heart of the media
establishment, the Midtown towers that house the big newspaper,
magazine and book publishers. And yet it was here in a neighborhood of
bodegas and floral wholesalers that, over the last two months, one of
the biggest news stories in the country — the Bush administration’s
firing of a group of U.S. attorneys — was pieced together by the
reporters of the blog Talking Points Memo.
The bloggers used the usual tools of good journalists everywhere —
determination, insight, ingenuity — plus a powerful new force that was
not available to reporters until blogging came along: the ability to
communicate almost instantaneously with readers via the Internet and to
deputize those readers as editorial researchers, in effect multiplying
the reporting power by an order of magnitude.
In December, Josh Marshall, who owns and runs TPM , posted a short
item linking to a news report in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette about
the firing of the U.S. attorney for that state. Marshall later followed
up, adding that several U.S. attorneys were apparently being replaced
and asked his 100,000 or so daily readers to write in if they knew
anything about U.S. attorneys being fired in their areas.
For the two months that followed, Talking Points Memo and one of
its sister sites, TPM Muckraker, accumulated evidence from around the
country on who the axed prosecutors were, and why politics might be
behind the firings. The cause was taken up among Democrats in Congress.
One senior Justice Department official has resigned, and Atty. Gen.
Alberto R. Gonzales is now in the media crosshairs.
This isn’t the first time Marshall and Talking Points have led
coverage on national issues. In 2002, the site was the first to devote
more than just passing mention to then-Senate Majority Leader Trent
Lott’s claim that the country would have been better off had the
segregationist 1948 presidential campaign of Sen. Strom Thurmond
succeeded. The subsequent furor cost Lott his leadership position.
Similarly, the TPM sites were leaders in chronicling the various scandals associated with Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff.
All of this from an enterprise whose annual budget probably
wouldn’t cover the janitorial costs incurred by a metropolitan daily
newspaper.
“Hundreds of people out there send clips and other tips,” Marshall
said. “There is some real information out there, some real expertise.
If you’re not in politics and you know something, you’re not going to
call David Broder. With the blog, you develop an intimacy with people.
Some of it is perceived, but some of it is real.”
Marshall’s use of his readers to gather information takes advantage
of the interactivity that is at the heart of the Internet revolution.
The amount of discourse between writers and readers on the Web makes
traditional journalists look like hermetic monks.
Duncan Black, an economist who writes as Atrios on his website,
Eschaton, receives hundreds of comments for almost anything he posts.
Thursday morning, he posted a short note saying he would not be writing
much that day as he was going to be traveling. Within the hour, 492
people posted comments on that. A political reporter at a metropolitan
daily might not get that much reader response in a year.
“With Abramoff, I was getting a lot more tips than I could handle,”
Marshall said. “I thought if I hire two people, pay them, marry them
with these tips, what could we do then?”
That led to the creation of TPM Muckraker, which has two full-time,
salaried reporter-bloggers and is where many of the stories on the U.S.
attorneys were originally published.
In much of its work, TPM exhibits a clearly identified political
agenda. In this, it is no different from dozens of other blogs across
the political spectrum. It distinguishes itself by mixing liberal
opinion with original reporting by its own staff and actively seeking
information from its readers.
This was most apparent in 2004-05 when Marshall turned the site’s
focus to President Bush’s proposed privatization of Social Security.
Marshall asked readers to survey their own members of Congress on the
issue. This distributed reporting helped TPM compile rosters of where
every member of Congress stood on the proposal, something no newspaper
attempted. By making apparent the lack of enthusiasm for the plan, TPM
helped kill it.
The Social Security campaign was straightforward political activism, with strict advocacy for a well-defined position.
“For me, that was sort of a little beyond my comfort zone,”
Marshall said. “But the underlying issue seemed important enough to do
it. There are still a lot of lines I don’t cross because of, for lack
of a better word, the kind of institution we are. We do opinion
journalism, we’re not campaign adjuncts.”
Blogging has famously unleashed the opinions of multitudes. There
are, by very rough count, 60 million bloggers around the world today.
Some projections have that number nearly doubling again this year.
Depending on which side of a vitriolic divide you fall — that is,
whether you think this is good or bad — this represents either the end
of civilization or the rise of true democracy.
There are blogs for baseball teams, for fast food, for God and for
Satan; there are lots of blogs on politics and Hollywood and at least
one that deals exclusively with pharmaceutical industry research. There
are hundreds of blogs on Iraq and more than you would imagine in
Mongolia.
Though the numbers and breadth of blogging are indeed astonishing,
it’s not at all clear what the numbers mean, if they mean anything at
all. Much of what constitutes the phenomenon of blogging is apt to be
inconsequential for the simple but powerful fact that nobody reads most
of them. That is, aside from their authors, literally nobody.
Most of these blogs are the creations of individuals who have a
passion to write, usually about a single subject, that subject often
being themselves. Some of them are truly horrible and, thankfully,
short-lived. The passion burns out.
Others, though, are remarkably good. There are sports blogs devoted
to single teams that are far more acute in their analysis than
mainstream media (MSM) covering the same sport. This is particularly
true in baseball, where statistically driven analysis has been adopted
wholesale in the blogosphere while the MSM has been slow to recognize
its value.
The blogs that have captured the most attention are those that
devote themselves mainly to politics and public affairs. These are
almost always run by partisans of one side or the other. In that, they
are nearly the opposite of the sort of coverage presented in
traditional media, whose coverage at least attempts to be neutral on
questions of policy.
This neutrality is a favorite target of bloggers who say that
mainstream journalism objectivity disguises hidden biases of the form,
if not the writer. The bloggers contend that these biases can render
neutrality into bland, even neutered reporting that rewards those
intent on manipulating it.
Many critiques from both sides of the blogging-MSM divide are
accurate, if sometimes misplaced. The chief criticisms of blogging from
defenders of the MSM are, one, the pajama charge — that is, bloggers
are not professional journalists and don’t do much reporting (thus the
image of them sitting at home in their pajamas) — and, two, the
incivility charge, that many bloggers use impolite language.
Most bloggers, in fact, are not journalists and do little if any
reporting. But most bloggers don’t claim to be journalists. They’re
bloggers. The incivility charge is true too. Many bloggers use bad
language, but so occasionally does the New Yorker, and no one accuses
it of lacking manners.
“I’m familiar with the critique,” Marshall said. “I don’t feel it
has a great deal to do with us, what we are doing. There’s a ton of
stuff out there, and a lot of it is screechy and angry and
undisciplined. I don’t have a problem with it, but it’s not stuff I’m
particularly interested in reading.
“It’s totally in the tradition of political pamphleteering. …
Individually, I think some of it isn’t necessarily that pretty, but I
think the whole thing altogether is a great thing.”
Neither side in the blog-MSM debate seems to have great
appreciation for what the other brings to the party. Simply put, while
mainstream media does the heavy lifting of careful, day-to-day and
occasional in-depth reporting, bloggers have revivified political
commentary, mainly through their exuberance.
If the traditional media see their roles as delivering lectures on
the news of the day, blogs are more of a backyard conversation,
friendlier, more convivial. Bloggers publish in variable lengths at
uncertain and unscheduled times. Blogs tend to be informal, cheap to
produce, free to consume, fast, heavily referential, self-referential
and vain because of it; profane, accident-prone yet self-correcting.
To say that traditional media were slow to appreciate the power of
this form is to belabor the obvious. Even bloggers were slow to
appreciate the import of what they were doing. The phenomenon appeared
in its embryonic form in the mid-1990s. The term “blog,” a mash-up of
“Web log,” was coined in 1997. By 1999, blogging software was widely
available, and free, and the first political blogs appeared.
By that time, Marshall, a 38-year-old who has a PhD from Brown
University in American colonial history, had become a freelance
journalist, selling pieces mainly to small opinion journals. He wrote
his first blog post in November 2000, commenting on the role of GOP
lawyer Theodore Olson in Florida’s Bush-Gore recount.
“It just seemed natural. I liked the informality of the writing.
The freedom of it appealed to me,” Marshall said. “It just looked like
fun. I saw it as a loss leader for my journalism.”
Once he started, however, he never stopped. He continued to
freelance, but gradually moved more and more of his attention to the
blog, living in near poverty as a result. When he needed money to do
something for the blog, he asked his readers for it. Remarkably, they
gave it to him.
His economic turning point came in 2003 when he received a phone
call from a man named Henry Copeland, who had an idea for selling
advertising on blogs. Copeland saw a way to aggregate blogs and broker
advertising to them. Essentially, he created a remote back office and a
revenue stream for the mainly sole proprietors who blogged.
“He had the concept of Blogads, which turned out to be the funding
mechanism for what I was doing. Within six months it was supporting
me,” Marshall said.
It wasn’t until Copeland came along that anyone seriously
contemplated making a career as a blogger. Since then, advertising has
grown to such an extent that dozens of blogs are now profitable
enterprises. They are also major sources of information for thousands
of readers.
Copeland said the relatively small world of left-of-center
political blogs now receives an estimated 160 million page views a
month, in the same ballpark as some major newspapers and far more than
any opinion magazine.
This professionalization of the blogosphere has been abetted by
mainstream media’s increasing practice of hiring independent bloggers
or deploying staffers to blog duty. No one in the blogosphere seems
particularly worried about the competition.
Copeland, for one, doubts that the MSM will be able to stem the blogging tide, or even swim very far in it.
“We’re big believers that the Internet’s rule is ‘the outside is
the new inside.’ That means that bloggers, with low overheads and
nimble structures, can outmaneuver everyone else….
“A newspaper is a boat, a highly evolved mechanism designed and
built to float in water. Blogs are bikes, built to cruise in another
environment. Now, you can pull a bunch of planking off a boat and add
wheels and pedals, but that won’t make it as light and maneuverable as
a bike.”
|
|